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Title: A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents
       Section 2 (of 4) of Volume 1: John Adams

Author: Edited by James D. Richardson

Release Date: January 31, 2004 [EBook #10894]

Language: English

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A COMPILATION OF THE MESSAGES AND PAPERS OF THE PRESIDENTS.

BY JAMES D. RICHARDSON


John Adams

March 4, 1797, to March 4, 1801






John Adams


John Adams was born on October 19 (old style), 1735, near Boston,
Mass., in the portion of the town of Braintree which has since been
incorporated as Quincy. He was fourth in descent from Henry Adams,
who fled from persecution in Devonshire, England, and settled in
Massachusetts about 1630. Another of his ancestors was John Adams, a
founder of the Plymouth Colony in 1620. Entered Harvard College in 1751,
and graduated therefrom four years later. Studied the law and taught
school at Worcester; was admitted to the bar of Suffolk County in 1758.
In 1768 removed to Boston, where he won distinction at the bar. In 1764
married Abigail Smith, whose father was Rev. William Smith and whose
grandfather was Colonel Quincy. In 1770 was chosen a representative from
Boston in the legislature of Massachusetts. In 1774 was a member of the
Continental Congress, and in 1776 was the adviser and great supporter of
the Declaration of Independence. The same year was a deputy to treat
with Lord Howe for the pacification of the Colonies. He declined the
offer of chief justice of Massachusetts. In December, 1777, was
appointed a commissioner to France, and returned home in the summer of
1779. He was then chosen a member of the Massachusetts convention for
framing a State constitution. On September 29, 1779, was appointed by
Congress minister plenipotentiary to negotiate a peace treaty with Great
Britain. In 1781 was a commissioner to conclude treaties of peace with
European powers. In 1783 negotiated with others a commercial treaty with
Great Britain. Was one of the commissioners to sign the provisional
treaty of peace with that nation November 30, 1782, and the definite
treaty September 3, 1783. In 1784 remained in Holland, and in 1785 was
by Congress appointed minister of the United States at the Court of
Great Britain. He returned to his home in June, 1788. Was chosen
Vice-President on the ticket with Washington, and on the assembling of
the Senate took his seat as President of that body, at New York in
April, 1789. Was reelected Vice-President in 1792. On the retirement of
Washington in 1796 he was elected President, and was inaugurated March
4, 1797. He retired March 4, 1801, to his home at Quincy, Mass. In 1816
was chosen to head the list of Presidential electors of his party in the
State. Was a member of the State convention to revise the constitution
of Massachusetts; was unanimously elected president of that convention,
but declined it on account of his age. His wife died in 1818. On July 4,
1826, he died, and was buried at Quincy.




INAUGURAL ADDRESS.

IN THE CITY OF PHILADELPHIA, PA


When it was first perceived, in early times, that no middle course for
America remained between unlimited submission to a foreign legislature
and a total independence of its claims, men of reflection were less
apprehensive of danger from the formidable power of fleets and armies
they must determine to resist than from those contests and dissensions
which would certainly arise concerning the forms of government to be
instituted over the whole and over the parts of this extensive country.
Relying, however, on the purity of their intentions, the justice of
their cause, and the integrity and intelligence of the people, under an
overruling Providence which had so signally protected this country from
the first, the representatives of this nation, then consisting of little
more than half its present number, not only broke to pieces the chains
which were forging and the rod of iron that was lifted up, but frankly
cut asunder the ties which had bound them, and launched into an ocean of
uncertainty.

The zeal and ardor of the people during the Revolutionary war, supplying
the place of government, commanded a degree of order sufficient at least
for the temporary preservation of society. The Confederation which was
early felt to be necessary was prepared from the models of the Batavian
and Helvetic confederacies, the only examples which remain with any
detail and precision in history, and certainly the only ones which the
people at large had ever considered. But reflecting on the striking
difference in so many particulars between this country and those where a
courier may go from the seat of government to the frontier in a single
day, it was then certainly foreseen by some who assisted in Congress at
the formation of it that it could not be durable.

Negligence of its regulations, inattention to its recommendations, if
not disobedience to its authority, not only in individuals but in
States, soon appeared with their melancholy consequences--universal
languor, jealousies and rivalries of States, decline of navigation and
commerce, discouragement of necessary manufactures, universal fall in
the value of lands and their produce, contempt of public and private
faith, loss of consideration and credit with foreign nations, and at
length in discontents, animosities, combinations, partial conventions,
and insurrection, threatening some great national calamity.

In this dangerous crisis the people of America were not abandoned by
their usual good sense, presence of mind, resolution, or integrity.
Measures were pursued to concert a plan to form a more perfect union,
establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common
defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of
liberty. The public disquisitions, discussions, and deliberations issued
in the present happy Constitution of Government.

Employed in the service of my country abroad during the whole course of
these transactions, I first saw the Constitution of the United States in
a foreign country. Irritated by no literary altercation, animated by no
public debate, heated by no party animosity, I read it with great
satisfaction, as the result of good heads prompted by good hearts, as an
experiment better adapted to the genius, character, situation, and
relations of this nation and country than any which had ever been
proposed or suggested. In its general principles and great outlines it
was conformable to such a system of government as I had ever most
esteemed, and in some States, my own native State in particular, had
contributed to establish. Claiming a right of suffrage, in common with
my fellow-citizens, in the adoption or rejection of a constitution which
was to rule me and my posterity, as well as them and theirs, I did not
hesitate to express my approbation of it on all occasions, in public and
in private. It was not then, nor has been since, any objection to it in
my mind that the Executive and Senate were not more permanent. Nor have
I ever entertained a thought of promoting any alteration in it but such
as the people themselves, in the course of their experience, should see
and feel to be necessary or expedient, and by their representatives in
Congress and the State legislatures, according to the Constitution
itself, adopt and ordain.

Returning to the bosom of my country after a painful separation from it
for ten years, I had the honor to be elected to a station under the new
order of things, and I have repeatedly laid myself under the most
serious obligations to support the Constitution. The operation of it has
equaled the most sanguine expectations of its friends, and from an
habitual attention to it, satisfaction in its administration, and
delight in its effects upon the peace, order, prosperity, and happiness
of the nation I have acquired an habitual attachment to it and
veneration for it.

What other form of government, indeed, can so well deserve our esteem
and love?

There may be little solidity in an ancient idea that congregations of
men into cities and nations are the most pleasing objects in the sight
of superior intelligences, but this is very certain, that to a
benevolent human mind there can be no spectacle presented by any nation
more pleasing, more noble, majestic, or august, than an assembly like
that which has so often been seen in this and the other Chamber of
Congress, of a Government in which the Executive authority, as well as
that of all the branches of the Legislature, are exercised by citizens
selected at regular periods by their neighbors to make and execute laws
for the general good. Can anything essential, anything more than mere
ornament and decoration, be added to this by robes and diamonds? Can
authority be more amiable and respectable when it descends from
accidents or institutions established in remote antiquity than when it
springs fresh from the hearts and judgments of an honest and enlightened
people? For it is the people only that are represented. It is their
power and majesty that is reflected, and only for their good, in every
legitimate government, under whatever form it may appear. The existence
of such a government as ours for any length of time is a full proof of a
general dissemination of knowledge and virtue throughout the whole body
of the people. And what object or consideration more pleasing than this
can be presented to the human mind? If national pride is ever
justifiable or excusable it is when it springs, not from power or
riches, grandeur or glory, but from conviction of national innocence,
information, and benevolence.

In the midst of these pleasing ideas we should be unfaithful to
ourselves if we should ever lose sight of the danger to our liberties
if anything partial or extraneous should infect the purity of our free,
fair, virtuous, and independent elections. If an election is to be
determined by a majority of a single vote, and that can be procured by a
party through artifice or corruption, the Government may be the choice
of a party for its own ends, not of the nation for the national good. If
that solitary suffrage can be obtained by foreign nations by flattery or
menaces, by fraud or violence, by terror, intrigue, or venality, the
Government may not be the choice of the American people, but of foreign
nations. It may be foreign nations who govern us, and not we, the
people, who govern ourselves; and candid men will acknowledge that in
such cases choice would have little advantage to boast of over lot or
chance.

Such is the amiable and interesting system of government (and such are
some of the abuses to which it may be exposed) which the people of
America have exhibited to the admiration and anxiety of the wise and
virtuous of all nations for eight years under the administration of a
citizen who, by a long course of great actions, regulated by prudence,
justice, temperance, and fortitude, conducting a people inspired with
the same virtues and animated with the same ardent patriotism and love
of liberty to independence and peace, to increasing wealth and
unexampled prosperity, has merited the gratitude of his fellow-citizens,
commanded the highest praises of foreign nations, and secured immortal
glory with posterity.

In that retirement which is his voluntary choice may he long live to
enjoy the delicious recollection of his services, the gratitude of
mankind, the happy fruits of them to himself and the world, which are
daily increasing, and that splendid prospect of the future fortunes of
this country which is opening from year to year. His name may be still a
rampart, and the knowledge that he lives a bulwark, against all open or
secret enemies of his country's peace. This example has been recommended
to the imitation of his successors by both Houses of Congress and by the
voice of the legislatures and the people throughout the nation.

On this subject it might become me better to be silent or to speak with
diffidence; but as something may be expected, the occasion, I hope, will
be admitted as an apology if I venture to say that if a preference, upon
principle, of a free republican government, formed upon long and serious
reflection, after a diligent and impartial inquiry after truth; if an
attachment to the Constitution of the United States, and a conscientious
determination to support it until it shall be altered by the judgments
and wishes of the people, expressed in the mode prescribed in it; if a
respectful attention to the constitutions of the individual States and a
constant caution and delicacy toward the State governments; if an equal
and impartial regard to the rights, interest, honor, and happiness of
all the States in the Union, without preference or regard to a northern
or southern, an eastern or western, position, their various political
opinions on unessential points or their personal attachments; if a love
of virtuous men of all parties and denominations; if a love of science
and letters and a wish to patronize every rational effort to encourage
schools, colleges, universities, academies, and every institution for
propagating knowledge, virtue, and religion among all classes of the
people, not only for their benign influence on the happiness of life in
all its stages and classes, and of society in all its forms, but as the
only means of preserving our Constitution from its natural enemies, the
spirit of sophistry, the spirit of party, the spirit of intrigue, the
profligacy of corruption, and the pestilence of foreign influence, which
is the angel of destruction to elective governments; if a love of equal
laws, of justice, and humanity in the interior administration; if an
inclination to improve agriculture, commerce, and manufactures for
necessity, convenience, and defense; if a spirit of equity and humanity
toward the aboriginal nations of America, and a disposition to meliorate
their condition by inclining them to be more friendly to us, and our
citizens to be more friendly to them; if an inflexible determination to
maintain peace and inviolable faith with all nations, and that system of
neutrality and impartiality among the belligerent powers of Europe which
has been adopted by this Government and so solemnly sanctioned by both
Houses of Congress and applauded by the legislatures of the States and
the public opinion, until it shall be otherwise ordained by Congress; if
a personal esteem for the French nation, formed in a residence of seven
years chiefly among them, and a sincere desire to preserve the
friendship which has been so much for the honor and interest of both
nations; if, while the conscious honor and integrity of the people of
America and the internal sentiment of their own power and energies must
be preserved, an earnest endeavor to investigate every just cause and
remove every colorable pretense of complaint; if an intention to pursue
by amicable negotiation a reparation for the injuries that have been
committed on the commerce of our fellow-citizens by whatever nation, and
if success can not be obtained, to lay the facts before the legislature,
that they may consider what further measures the honor and interest of
the Government and its constituents demand; if a resolution to do
justice as far as may depend upon me, at all times and to all nations,
and maintain peace, friendship, and benevolence with all the world; if
an unshaken confidence in the honor, spirit, and resources of the
American people, on which I have so often hazarded my all and never been
deceived; if elevated ideas of the high destinies of this country and of
my own duties toward it, founded on a knowledge of the moral principles
and intellectual improvements of the people deeply engraven on my mind
in early life, and not obscured but exalted by experience and age; and,
with humble reverence, I feel it to be my duty to add, if a veneration
for the religion of a people who profess and call themselves Christians,
and a fixed resolution to consider a decent respect for Christianity
among the best recommendations for the public service, can enable me in
any degree to comply with your wishes, it shall be my strenuous endeavor
that this sagacious injunction of the two Houses shall not be without
effect.

With this great example before me, with the sense and spirit, the faith
and honor, the duty and interest, of the same American people pledged to
support the Constitution of the United States, I entertain no doubt of
its continuance in all its energy, and my mind is prepared without
hesitation to lay myself under the most solemn obligations to support it
to the utmost of my power.

And may that Being who is supreme over all, the Patron of Order, the
Fountain of Justice, and the Protector in all ages of the world of
virtuous liberty, continue His blessing upon this nation and its
Government and give it all possible success and duration consistent with
the ends of His providence.

March 4, 1797.




PROCLAMATION.

[From Annals of Congress, Fifth Congress, Vol. I, 49.]

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.


Whereas the Constitution of the United States of America provides that
the President may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both Houses of
Congress; and

Whereas an extraordinary occasion exists for convening Congress, and
divers weighty matters claim their consideration:

I have therefore thought it necessary to convene, and I do by these
presents convene, the Congress of the United States of America at the
city of Philadelphia, in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, on Monday,
the 15th day of May next, hereby requiring the Senators and
Representatives in the Congress of the United States of America, and
every of them, that, laying aside all other matters and cares, they then
and there meet and assemble in Congress in order to consult and
determine on such measures as in their wisdom shall be deemed meet for
the safety and welfare of the said United States.

In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the United States of
America to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my
hand.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Philadelphia, the 25th day of March, A.D. 1797, and
of the Independence of the United States of America the twenty-first.

JOHN ADAMS.

By the President:
  TIMOTHY PICKERING,
    _Secretary of State_.




SPECIAL SESSION MESSAGE.

UNITED STATES, _May 16, 1797_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

The personal inconveniences to the members of the Senate and of the
House of Representatives in leaving their families and private affairs
at this season of the year are so obvious that I the more regret the
extraordinary occasion which has rendered the convention of Congress
indispensable.

It would have afforded me the highest satisfaction to have been able to
congratulate you on a restoration of peace to the nations of Europe
whose animosities have endangered our tranquillity; but we have still
abundant cause of gratitude to the Supreme Dispenser of National
Blessings for general health and promising seasons, for domestic and
social happiness, for the rapid progress and ample acquisitions of
industry through extensive territories, for civil, political, and
religious liberty. While other states are desolated with foreign war or
convulsed with intestine divisions, the United States present the
pleasing prospect of a nation governed by mild and equal laws, generally
satisfied with the possession of their rights, neither envying the
advantages nor fearing the power of other nations, solicitous only for
the maintenance of order and justice and the preservation of liberty,
increasing daily in their attachment to a system of government in
proportion to their experience of its utility, yielding a ready and
general obedience to laws flowing from the reason and resting on the
only solid foundation--the affections of the people.

It is with extreme regret that I shall be obliged to turn your thoughts
to other circumstances, which admonish us that some of these felicities
may not be lasting. But if the tide of our prosperity is full and a
reflux commencing, a vigilant circumspection becomes us, that we may
meet our reverses with fortitude and extricate ourselves from their
consequences with all the skill we possess and all the efforts in our
power.

In giving to Congress information of the state of the Union and
recommending to their consideration such measures as appear to me to be
necessary or expedient, according to my constitutional duty, the causes
and the objects of the present extraordinary session will be explained.

After the President of the United States received information that the
French Government had expressed serious discontents at some proceedings
of the Government of these States said to affect the interests of
France, he thought it expedient to send to that country a new minister,
fully instructed to enter on such amicable discussions and to give such
candid explanations as might happily remove the discontents and suspicions
of the French Government and vindicate the conduct of the United States.
For this purpose he selected from among his fellow-citizens a character
whose integrity, talents, experience, and services had placed him in the
rank of the most esteemed and respected in the nation. The direct object
of his mission was expressed in his letter of credence to the French
Republic, being "to maintain that good understanding which from the
commencement of the alliance had subsisted between the two nations, and
to efface unfavorable impressions, banish suspicions, and restore that
cordiality which was at once the evidence and pledge of a friendly
union." And his instructions were to the same effect, "faithfully to
represent the disposition of the Government and people of the United
States (their disposition being one), to remove jealousies and obviate
complaints by shewing that they were groundless, to restore that mutual
confidence which had been so unfortunately and injuriously impaired,
and to explain the relative interests of both countries and the real
sentiments of his own."

A minister thus specially commissioned it was expected would have proved
the instrument of restoring mutual confidence between the two Republics.
The first step of the French Government corresponded with that
expectation. A few days before his arrival at Paris the French minister
of foreign relations informed the American minister then resident at
Paris of the formalities to be observed by himself in taking leave, and
by his successor preparatory to his reception. These formalities they
observed, and on the 9th of December presented officially to the
minister of foreign relations, the one a copy of his letters of recall,
the other a copy of his letters of credence.

These were laid before the Executive Directory. Two days afterwards the
minister of foreign relations informed the recalled American minister
that the Executive Directory had determined not to receive another
minister plenipotentiary from the United States until after the redress
of grievances demanded of the American Government, and which the French
Republic had a right to expect from it. The American minister
immediately endeavored to ascertain whether by refusing to receive him
it was intended that he should retire from the territories of the French
Republic, and verbal answers were given that such was the intention of
the Directory. For his own justification he desired a written answer,
but obtained none until toward the last of January, when, receiving
notice in writing to quit the territories of the Republic, he proceeded
to Amsterdam, where he proposed to wait for instruction from this
Government. During his residence at Paris cards of hospitality were
refused him, and he was threatened with being subjected to the
jurisdiction of the minister of police; but with becoming firmness he
insisted on the protection of the law of nations due to him as the known
minister of a foreign power. You will derive further information from
his dispatches, which will be laid before you.

As it is often necessary that nations should treat for the mutual
advantage of their affairs, and especially to accommodate and terminate
differences, and as they can treat only by ministers, the right of
embassy is well known and established by the law and usage of nations.
The refusal on the part of France to receive our minister is, then, the
denial of a right; but the refusal to receive him until we have acceded
to their demands without discussion and without investigation is to
treat us neither as allies nor as friends, nor as a sovereign state.

With this conduct of the French Government it will be proper to take
into view the public audience given to the late minister of the United
States on his taking leave of the Executive Directory. The speech of the
President discloses sentiments more alarming than the refusal of a
minister, because more dangerous to our independence and union, and at
the same time studiously marked with indignities toward the Government
of the United States. It evinces a disposition to separate the people of
the United States from the Government, to persuade them that they have
different affections, principles, and interests from those of their
fellow-citizens whom they themselves have chosen to manage their common
concerns, and thus to produce divisions fatal to our peace. Such
attempts ought to be repelled with a decision which shall convince
France and the world that we are not a degraded people, humiliated under
a colonial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority, fitted to be the
miserable instruments of foreign influence, and regardless of national
honor, character, and interest.

I should have been happy to have thrown a veil over these transactions
if it had been possible to conceal them; but they have passed on the
great theater of the world, in the face of all Europe and America, and
with such circumstances of publicity and solemnity that they can not be
disguised and will not soon be forgotten. They have inflicted a wound in
the American breast. It is my sincere desire, however, that it may be
healed.

It is my sincere desire, and in this I presume I concur with you and
with our constituents, to preserve peace and friendship with all
nations; and believing that neither the honor nor the interest of the
United States absolutely forbid the repetition of advances for securing
these desirable objects with France, I shall institute a fresh attempt
at negotiation, and shall not fail to promote and accelerate an
accommodation on terms compatible with the rights, duties, interests,
and honor of the nation. If we have committed errors, and these can be
demonstrated, we shall be willing to correct them; if we have done
injuries, we shall be willing on conviction to redress them; and equal
measures of justice we have a right to expect from France and every
other nation.

The diplomatic intercourse between the United States and France being at
present suspended, the Government has no means of obtaining official
information from that country. Nevertheless, there is reason to believe
that the Executive Directory passed a decree on the 2d of March last
contravening in part the treaty of amity and commerce of 1778, injurious
to our lawful commerce and endangering the lives of our citizens. A copy
of this decree will be laid before you.

While we are endeavoring to adjust all our differences with France by
amicable negotiation, the progress of the war in Europe, the
depredations on our commerce, the personal injuries to our citizens, and
the general complexion of affairs render it my indispensable duty to
recommend to your consideration effectual measures of defense.

The commerce of the United States has become an interesting object of
attention, whether we consider it in relation to the wealth and finances
or the strength and resources of the nation. With a seacoast of near
2,000 miles in extent, opening a wide field for fisheries, navigation,
and commerce, a great portion of our citizens naturally apply their
industry and enterprise to these objects. Any serious and permanent
injury to commerce would not fail to produce the most embarrassing
disorders. To prevent it from being undermined and destroyed it is
essential that it receive an adequate protection.

The naval establishment must occur to every man who considers the
injuries committed on our commerce, the insults offered to our citizens,
and the description of vessels by which these abuses have been
practiced. As the sufferings of our mercantile and seafaring citizens
can not be ascribed to the omission of duties demandable, considering
the neutral situation of our country, they are to be attributed to the
hope of impunity arising from a supposed inability on our part to afford
protection. To resist the consequences of such impressions on the minds
of foreign nations and to guard against the degradation and servility
which they must finally stamp on the American character is an important
duty of Government.

A naval power, next to the militia, is the natural defense of the United
States. The experience of the last war would be sufficient to shew that
a moderate naval force, such as would be easily within the present
abilities of the Union, would have been sufficient to have baffled many
formidable transportations of troops from one State to another, which
were then practiced. Our seacoasts, from their great extent, are more
easily annoyed and more easily defended by a naval force than any other.
With all the materials our country abounds; in skill our naval
architects and navigators are equal to any, and commanders and seamen
will not be wanting.

But although the establishment of a permanent system of naval defense
appears to be requisite, I am sensible it can not be formed so speedily
and extensively as the present crisis demands. Hitherto I have thought
proper to prevent the sailing of armed vessels except on voyages to the
East Indies, where general usage and the danger from pirates appeared to
render the permission proper. Yet the restriction has originated solely
from a wish to prevent collisions with the powers at war, contravening
the act of Congress of June, 1794, and not from any doubt entertained by
me of the policy and propriety of permitting our vessels to employ means
of defense while engaged in a lawful foreign commerce. It remains for
Congress to prescribe such regulations as will enable our seafaring
citizens to defend themselves against violations of the law of nations,
and at the same time restrain them from committing acts of hostility
against the powers at war. In addition to this voluntary provision for
defense by individual citizens, it appears to me necessary to equip the
frigates, and provide other vessels of inferior force, to take under
convoy such merchant vessels as shall remain unarmed.

The greater part of the cruisers whose depredations have been most
injurious have been built and some of them partially equipped in the
United States. Although an effectual remedy may be attended with
difficulty, yet I have thought it my duty to present the subject
generally to your consideration. If a mode can be devised by the wisdom
of Congress to prevent the resources of the United States from being
converted into the means of annoying our trade, a great evil will be
prevented. With the same view, I think it proper to mention that some of
our citizens resident abroad have fitted out privateers, and others have
voluntarily taken the command, or entered on board of them, and
committed spoliations on the commerce of the United States. Such
unnatural and iniquitous practices can be restrained only by severe
punishments.

But besides a protection of our commerce on the seas, I think it highly
necessary to protect it at home, where it is collected in our most
important ports. The distance of the United States from Europe and the
well-known promptitude, ardor, and courage of the people in defense of
their country happily diminish the probability of invasion.
Nevertheless, to guard against sudden and predatory incursions the
situation of some of our principal seaports demands your consideration.
And as our country is vulnerable in other interests besides those of its
commerce, you will seriously deliberate whether the means of general
defense ought not to be increased by an addition to the regular
artillery and cavalry, and by arrangements for forming a provisional
army.

With the same view, and as a measure which, even in a time of universal
peace, ought not to be neglected, I recommend to your consideration a
revision of the laws for organizing, arming, and disciplining the
militia, to render that natural and safe defense of the country
efficacious.

Although it is very true that we ought not to involve ourselves in the
political system of Europe, but to keep ourselves always distinct and
separate from it if we can, yet to effect this separation, early,
punctual, and continual information of the current chain of events and
of the political projects in contemplation is no less necessary than if
we were directly concerned in them. It is necessary, in order to the
discovery of the efforts made to draw us into the vortex, in season to
make preparations against them. However we may consider ourselves, the
maritime and commercial powers of the world will consider the United
States of America as forming a weight in that balance of power in Europe
which never can be forgotten or neglected. It would not only be against
our interest, but it would be doing wrong to one-half of Europe, at
least, if we should voluntarily throw ourselves into either scale. It is
a natural policy for a nation that studies to be neutral to consult with
other nations engaged in the same studies and pursuits. At the same time
that measures might be pursued with this view, our treaties with Prussia
and Sweden, one of which is expired and the other near expiring, might
be renewed.

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

It is particularly your province to consider the state of the public
finances, and to adopt such measures respecting them as exigencies shall
be found to require. The preservation of public credit, the regular
extinguishment of the public debt, and a provision of funds to defray
any extraordinary expenses will of course call for your serious
attention. Although the imposition of new burthens can not be in itself
agreeable, yet there is no ground to doubt that the American people will
expect from you such measures as their actual engagements, their present
security, and future interests demand.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

The present situation of our country imposes an obligation on all the
departments of Government to adopt an explicit and decided conduct. In
my situation an exposition of the principles by which my Administration
will be governed ought not to be omitted.

It is impossible to conceal from ourselves or the world what has been
before observed, that endeavors have been employed to foster and
establish a division between the Government and people of the United
States. To investigate the causes which have encouraged this attempt is
not necessary; but to repel, by decided and united councils,
insinuations so derogatory to the honor and aggressions so dangerous to
the Constitution, union, and even independence of the nation is an
indispensable duty.

It must not be permitted to be doubted whether the people of the United
States will support the Government established by their voluntary
consent and appointed by their free choice, or whether, by surrendering
themselves to the direction of foreign and domestic factions, in
opposition to their own Government, they will forfeit the honorable
station they have hitherto maintained.

For myself, having never been indifferent to what concerned the
interests of my country, devoted the best part of my life to obtain and
support its independence, and constantly witnessed the patriotism,
fidelity, and perseverance of my fellow-citizens on the most trying
occasions, it is not for me to hesitate or abandon a cause in which my
heart has been so long engaged.

Convinced that the conduct of the Government has been just and impartial
to foreign nations, that those internal regulations which have been
established by law for the preservation of peace are in their nature
proper, and that they have been fairly executed, nothing will ever be
done by me to impair the national engagements, to innovate upon
principles which have been so deliberately and uprightly established, or
to surrender in any manner the rights of the Government. To enable me to
maintain this declaration I rely, under God, with entire confidence on
the firm and enlightened support of the National Legislature and upon
the virtue and patriotism of my fellow-citizens.

JOHN ADAMS.



ADDRESS OF THE SENATE TO JOHN ADAMS, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

SIR: The Senate of the United States request you to accept their
acknowledgments for the comprehensive and interesting detail you have
given in your speech to both Houses of Congress on the existing state
of the Union.

While we regret the necessity of the present meeting of the Legislature,
we wish to express our entire approbation of your conduct in convening
it on this momentous occasion.

The superintendence of our national faith, honor, and dignity being in a
great measure constitutionally deposited with the Executive, we observe
with singular satisfaction the vigilance, firmness, and promptitude
exhibited by you in this critical state of our public affairs, and from
thence derive an evidence and pledge of the rectitude and integrity of
your Administration. And we are sensible it is an object of primary
importance that each branch of the Government should adopt a language
and system of conduct which shall be cool, just, and dispassionate, but
firm, explicit, and decided.

We are equally desirous with you to preserve peace and friendship with
all nations, and are happy to be informed that neither the honor nor
interests of the United States forbid advances for securing those
desirable objects by amicable negotiation with the French Republic. This
method of adjusting national differences is not only the most mild, but
the most rational and humane, and with governments disposed to be just
can seldom fail of success when fairly, candidly, and sincerely used.

If we have committed errors and can be made sensible of them, we agree
with you in opinion that we ought to correct them, and compensate the
injuries which may have been consequent thereon; and we trust the French
Republic will be actuated by the same just and benevolent principles of
national policy.

We do therefore most sincerely approve of your determination to promote
and accelerate an accommodation of our existing differences with that
Republic by negotiation, on terms compatible with the rights, duties,
interests, and honor of our nation. And you may rest assured of our most
cordial cooperation so far as it may become necessary in this pursuit.

Peace and harmony with all nations is our sincere wish; but such being
the lot of humanity that nations will not always reciprocate peaceable
dispositions, it is our firm belief that effectual measures of defense
will tend to inspire that national self-respect and confidence at
_home_ which is the unfailing source of respectability _abroad_, to
check aggression and prevent war.

While we are endeavoring to adjust our differences with the French
Republic by amicable negotiation, the progress of the war in Europe, the
depredations on our commerce, the personal injuries to our citizens, and
the general complexion of affairs prove to us your vigilant care in
recommending to our attention effectual measures of defense.

Those which you recommend, whether they relate to external defense by
permitting our citizens to arm for the purpose of repelling aggressions
on their commercial rights, and by providing sea convoys, or to internal
defense by increasing the establishments of artillery and cavalry, by
forming a provisional army, by revising the militia laws, and fortifying
more completely our ports and harbors, will meet our consideration under
the influence of the same just regard for the security, interest, and
honor of our country which dictated your recommendation.

Practices so unnatural and iniquitous as those you state, of our own
citizens converting their property and personal exertions into the means
of annoying our trade and injuring their fellow-citizens, deserve legal
severity commensurate with their turpitude.

Although the Senate believe that the prosperity and happiness of our
country does not depend on general and extensive political connections
with European nations, yet we can never lose sight of the propriety as
well as necessity of enabling the Executive, by sufficient and liberal
supplies, to maintain and even extend our foreign intercourse as
exigencies may require, reposing full confidence in the Executive, in
whom the Constitution has placed the powers of negotiation.

We learn with sincere concern that attempts are in operation to alienate
the affections of our fellow-citizens from their Government. Attempts
so wicked, wherever they exist, can not fail to excite our utmost
abhorrence. A government chosen by the people for their own safety and
happiness, and calculated to secure both, can not lose their affections
so long as its administration pursues the principles upon which it was
erected; and your resolution to observe a conduct just and impartial to
all nations, a sacred regard to our national engagements, and not to
impair the rights of our Government, contains principles which can not
fail to secure to your Administration the support of the National
Legislature to render abortive every attempt to excite dangerous
jealousies among us, and to convince the world that our Government and
your administration of it can not be separated from the affectionate
support of every good citizen. And the Senate can not suffer the present
occasion to pass without thus publicly and solemnly expressing their
attachment to the Constitution and Government of their country; and
as they hold themselves responsible to their constituents, their
consciences, and their God, it is their determination by all their
exertions to repel every attempt to alienate the affections of the
people from the Government, so highly injurious to the honor, safety,
and independence of the United States.

We are happy, since our sentiments on the subject are in perfect unison
with yours, in this public manner to declare that we believe the conduct
of the Government has been just and impartial to foreign nations, and
that those internal regulations which have been established for the
preservation of peace are in their nature proper and have been fairly
executed.

And we are equally happy in possessing an entire confidence in your
abilities and exertions in your station to maintain untarnished the
honor, preserve the peace, and support the independence of our country,
to acquire and establish which, in connection with your fellow-citizens,
has been the virtuous effort of a principal part of your life.

To aid you in these arduous and honorable exertions, as it is our duty
so it shall be our faithful endeavor; and we flatter ourselves, sir,
that the proceedings of the present session of Congress will manifest
to the world that although the United States love peace, they will be
independent; that they are sincere in their declarations to be just to
the French and all other nations, and expect the same in return.

If a sense of justice, a love of moderation and peace, shall influence
their councils, which we sincerely hope we shall have just grounds to
expect, peace and amity between the United States and all nations will
be preserved.

But if we are so unfortunate as to experience injuries from any foreign
power, and the ordinary methods by which differences are amicably
adjusted between nations shall be rejected, the determination "not
to surrender in any manner the rights of the Government," being so
inseparably connected with the dignity, interest, and independence
of our country, shall by us be steadily and inviolably supported.

TH. JEFFERSON,

_Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate_.

MAY 23, 1797.



REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT.

_Mr. Vice-President and Gentlemen of the Senate_:

It would be an affectation in me to dissemble the pleasure I feel on
receiving this kind address.

My long experience of the wisdom, fortitude, and patriotism of the
Senate of the United States enhances in my estimation the value of those
obliging expressions of your approbation of my conduct, which are a
generous reward for the past and an affecting encouragement to constancy
and perseverance in future.

Our sentiments appear to be so entirely in unison that I can not but
believe them to be the rational result of the understandings and the
natural feelings of the hearts of Americans in general on contemplating
the present state of the nation.

While such principles and affections prevail they will form an
indissoluble bond of union and a sure pledge that our country has no
essential injury to apprehend from any portentous appearances abroad.
In a humble reliance on Divine Providence we may rest assured that
while we reiterate with sincerity our endeavors to accommodate all our
differences with France, the independence of our country can not be
diminished, its dignity degraded, or its glory tarnished by any nation
or combination of nations, whether friends or enemies.

JOHN ADAMS.

MAY 24, 1797.



ADDRESS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES TO JOHN ADAMS, PRESIDENT OF THE
UNITED STATES.

SIR: The interesting details of those events which have rendered the
convention of Congress at this time indispensable (communicated in your
speech to both Houses) has excited in us the strongest emotions. Whilst
we regret the occasion, we can not omit to testify our approbation of
the measure, and pledge ourselves that no considerations of private
inconvenience shall prevent on our part a faithful discharge of the
duties to which we are called.

We have constantly hoped that the nations of Europe, whilst desolated
by foreign wars or convulsed by intestine divisions, would have left
the United States to enjoy that peace and tranquillity to which the
impartial conduct of our Government has entitled us, and it is now with
extreme regret we find the measures of the French Republic tending to
endanger a situation so desirable and interesting to our country.

Upon this occasion we feel it our duty to express in the most explicit
manner the sensations which the present crisis has excited, and to
assure you of our zealous cooperation in those measures which may appear
necessary for our security or peace.

Although it is the earnest wish of our hearts that peace may be
maintained with the French Republic and with all the world, yet we never
will surrender those rights which belong to us as a nation; and whilst
we view with satisfaction the wisdom, dignity, and moderation which have
marked the measures of the Supreme Executive of our country in his
attempt to remove by candid explanations the complaints and jealousies
of France, we feel the full force of that indignity which has been
offered our country in the rejection of its minister. No attempts to
wound our rights as a sovereign State will escape the notice of our
constituents. They will be felt with indignation and repelled with that
decision which shall convince the world that we are not a degraded
people; that we can never submit to the demands of a foreign power
without examination and without discussion.

Knowing as we do the confidence reposed by the people of the United
States in their Government, we can not hesitate in expressing our
indignation at any sentiments tending to derogate from that confidence.
Such sentiments, wherever entertained, serve to evince an imperfect
knowledge of the opinions of our constituents. An attempt to separate
the people of the United States from their Government is an attempt to
separate them from themselves; and although foreigners who know not the
genius of our country may have conceived the project, and foreign
emissaries may attempt the execution, yet the united efforts of our
fellow-citizens will convince the world of its impracticability.

Sensibly as we feel the wound which has been inflicted by the
transactions disclosed in your communications, yet we think with you
that neither the honor nor the interest of the United States forbid the
repetition of advances for preserving peace; we therefore receive with
the utmost satisfaction your information that a fresh attempt at
negotiation will be instituted, and we cherish the hope that a mutual
spirit of conciliation, and a disposition on the part of France to
compensate for any injuries which may have been committed upon our
neutral rights, and on the part of the United States to place France on
grounds similar to those of other countries in their relation and
connection with us (if any inequalities shall be found to exist), will
produce an accommodation compatible with the engagements, rights,
duties, and honor of the United States. Fully, however, impressed with
the uncertainty of the result, we shall prepare to meet with fortitude
any unfavorable events which may occur, and to extricate ourselves from
their consequences with all the skill we possess and all the efforts in
our power. Believing with you that the conduct of the Government has
been just and impartial to foreign nations, that the laws for the
preservation of peace have been proper, and that they have been fairly
executed, the Representatives of the people do not hesitate to declare
that they will give their most cordial support to the execution of
principles so deliberately and uprightly established.

The many interesting subjects which you have recommended to our
consideration, and which are so strongly enforced by this momentous
occasion, will receive every attention which their importance demands,
and we trust that, by the decided and explicit conduct which will govern
our deliberations, every insinuation will be repelled which is derogatory
to the honor and independence of our country.

Permit us in offering this address to express our satisfaction at
your promotion to the first office in the Government and our entire
confidence that the preeminent talents and patriotism which have placed
you in this distinguished situation will enable you to discharge its
various duties with satisfaction to yourself and advantage to our common
country.

JUNE 2, 1797.



REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT.

_Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

I receive with great satisfaction your candid approbation of the
convention of Congress, and thank you for your assurances that the
interesting subjects recommended to your consideration shall receive
the attention which their importance demands, and that your cooperation
may be expected in those measures which may appear necessary for our
security or peace.

The declarations of the Representatives of this nation of their
satisfaction at my promotion to the first office in this Government and
of their confidence in my sincere endeavors to discharge the various
duties of it with advantage to our common country have excited my most
grateful sensibility.

I pray you, gentlemen, to believe and to communicate such assurance to
our constituents that no event which I can foresee to be attainable by
any exertions in the discharge of my duties can afford me so much cordial
satisfaction as to conduct a negotiation with the French Republic to a
removal of prejudices, a correction of errors, a dissipation of umbrages,
an accommodation of all differences, and a restoration of harmony and
affection to the mutual satisfaction of both nations. And whenever the
legitimate organs of intercourse shall be restored and the real sentiments
of the two Governments can be candidly communicated to each other,
although strongly impressed with the necessity of collecting ourselves
into a manly posture of defense, I nevertheless entertain an encouraging
confidence that a mutual spirit of conciliation, a disposition to
compensate injuries and accommodate each other in all our relations and
connections, will produce an agreement to a treaty consistent with the
engagements, rights, duties, and honor of both nations.

JOHN ADAMS.

JUNE 3, 1797.




SPECIAL MESSAGES.


UNITED STATES, _May 26, 1797_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

I lay before you, for your consideration and advice, a treaty of
perpetual peace and friendship between the United States of America
and the Bey and subjects of Tripoli, of Barbary, concluded at Tripoli
on the 4th day of November, 1796.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _May 31, 1797_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

I nominate General Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, of South Carolina,
Francis Dana, chief justice of the State of Massachusetts, and General
John Marshall, of Virginia, to be jointly and severally envoys
extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary to the French Republic.

After mature deliberation on the critical situation of our relations
with France, which have long engaged my most serious attention, I have
determined on these nominations of persons to negotiate with the French
Republic to dissipate umbrages, to remove prejudices, to rectify errors,
and adjust all differences by a treaty between the two powers.

It is in the present critical and singular circumstances of great
importance to engage the confidence of the great portions of the Union
in the characters employed and the measures which may be adopted. I have
therefore thought it expedient to nominate persons of talents and
integrity, long known and intrusted in the three great divisions of
the Union, and at the same time, to provide against the cases of death,
absence, indisposition, or other impediment, to invest any one or more
of them with full powers.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _June 12, 1797_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

I have received information from the commissioner appointed on the part
of the United States, pursuant to the third article of our treaty with
Spain, that the running and marking of the boundary line between the
colonies of East and West Florida and the territory of the United States
have been delayed by the officers of His Catholic Majesty, and that they
have declared their intention to maintain his jurisdiction, and to
suspend the withdrawing his troops from the military posts they occupy
within the territory of the United States until the two Governments
shall, by negotiation, have settled the meaning of the second article
respecting the withdrawing of the troops, garrisons, or settlements of
either party in the territory of the other--that is, whether, when the
Spanish garrisons withdraw, they are to leave the works standing or to
demolish them--and until, by an additional article to the treaty, the
real property of the inhabitants shall be secured, and, likewise, until
the Spanish officers are sure the Indians will be pacific. The two first
questions, if to be determined by negotiation, might be made subjects of
discussion for years, and as no limitation of time can be prescribed to
the other, a certainty in the opinion of the Spanish officers that the
Indians will be pacific, it will be impossible to suffer it to remain an
obstacle to the fulfillment of the treaty on the part of Spain.

To remove the first difficulty, I have determined to leave it to the
discretion of the officers of His Catholic Majesty when they withdraw
his troops from the forts within the territory of the United States,
either to leave the works standing or to demolish them; and to remove
the second I shall cause an assurance to be published and to be
particularly communicated to the minister of His Catholic Majesty and to
the governor of Louisiana that the settlers or occupants of the lands in
question shall not be disturbed in their possessions by the troops of
the United States, but, on the contrary, that they shall be protected in
all their lawful claims; and to prevent or remove every doubt on this
point it merits the consideration of Congress whether it will not be
expedient immediately to pass a law giving positive assurances to those
inhabitants who, by fair and regular grants or by occupancy, have
obtained legal titles or equitable claims to lands in that country prior
to the final ratification of the treaty between the United States and
Spain on the 25th of April, 1796.

This country is rendered peculiarly valuable by its inhabitants, who are
represented to amount to nearly 4,000, generally well affected and much
attached to the United States, and zealous for the establishment of a
government under their authority.

I therefore recommend to your consideration the expediency of erecting a
government in the district of the Natchez similar to that established
for the territory northwest of the river Ohio, but with certain
modifications relative to titles or claims of land, whether of individuals
or companies, or to claims of jurisdiction of any individual State.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _June 22, 1797_.

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

Immediately after I had received your resolution of the 10th of June,
requesting a report respecting the depredations committed on the
commerce of the United States since the 1st of October, 1796, specifying
the name of the vessel taken, where bound to or from, species of lading,
the value (when it can be ascertained) of the vessel and cargo taken,
and by what power captured, particularizing those which have been
actually condemned, together with the proper documents to ascertain the
same, I directed a collection to be made of all such information as
should be found in the possession of the Government; in consequence of
which the Secretary of State has made the report and the collection of
documents which accompany this message, and are now laid before the
House of Representatives in compliance with their desire.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _June 23, 1797_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

The Dey of Algiers has manifested a predilection for American-built
vessels, and in consequence has desired that two vessels might be
constructed and equipped as cruisers according to the choice and taste
of Captain O'Brien. The cost of two such vessels built with live oak and
cedar, and coppered, with guns and all other equipments complete, is
estimated at $45,000. The expense of navigating them to Algiers may
perhaps be compensated by the freight of the stores with which they may
be loaded on account of our stipulations by treaty with the Dey.

A compliance with the Dey's request appears to me to be of serious
importance. He will repay the whole expense of building and equipping
the two vessels, and as he has advanced the price of our peace with
Tripoli, and become pledged for that of Tunis, the United States seem to
be under peculiar obligations to provide this accommodation, and I trust
that Congress will authorize the advance of money necessary for that
purpose.

It also appears to be of importance to place at Algiers a person as
consul in whose integrity and ability much confidence may be placed, to
whom a considerable latitude of discretion should be allowed, for the
interest of the United States in relation to their commerce. That
country is so remote as to render it impracticable for the consul to ask
and receive instructions in sudden emergencies. He may sometimes find it
necessary to make instant engagements for money or its equivalent, to
prevent greater expenses or more serious evils. We can hardly hope to
escape occasions of discontent proceeding from the Regency or arising
from the misconduct or even the misfortunes of our commercial vessels
navigating in the Mediterranean Sea, and unless the causes of discontent
are speedily removed the resentment of the Regency may be exerted with
precipitation on our defenseless citizens and their property, and thus,
occasion a tenfold expense to the United States. For these reasons it
appears to me to be expedient to vest the consul at Algiers with a
degree of discretionary power which can be requisite in no other
situation; and to encourage a person deserving the public confidence to
accept so expensive and responsible a situation, it appears
indispensable to allow him a handsome salary. I should confer on such a
consul a superintending power over the consulates for the States of
Tunis and Tripoli, especially in respect to pecuniary engagements, which
should not be made without his approbation.

While the present salary of $2,000 a year appears adequate to the
consulates of Tunis and Tripoli, twice that sum probably will be
requisite for Algiers.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _July 3, 1797_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

The whole of the intelligence which has for some time past been received
from abroad, the correspondences between this Government and the
ministers of the belligerent powers residing here, and the advices
from the officers of the United States, civil and military, upon the
frontiers all conspire to shew in a very strong light the critical
situation of our country. That Congress might be enabled to form a more
perfect judgment of it and of the measures necessary to be taken,
I have directed the proper officers to prepare such collections of
extracts from the public correspondences as might afford the clearest
information. The reports made to me from the Secretary of State and the
Secretary of War, with a collection of documents from each of them, are
now communicated to both Houses of Congress. I have desired that the
message, reports, and documents may be considered as confidential merely
that the members of both Houses of Congress may be apprised of their
contents before they should be made public. As soon as the two Houses
shall have heard them, I shall submit to their discretion the
publication of the whole, or any such parts of them as they shall
judge necessary or expedient for the public good.

JOHN ADAMS.




PROCLAMATION.

BY JOHN ADAMS, THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas an act of the Congress of the United States was passed on the
9th day of February, 1793, entitled "An act regulating foreign coins,
and for other purposes," in which it was enacted "that foreign gold and
silver coins shall pass current as money within the United States and be
a legal tender for the payment of all debts and demands" at the several
and respective rates therein stated; and that "at the expiration of
three years next ensuing the time when the coinage of gold and silver
agreeably to the act intituled "An act establishing a mint and regulating
the coins of the United States" shall commence at the Mint of the United
States (which time shall be announced by the proclamation of the
President of the United States), all foreign gold coins and all foreign
silver coins, except Spanish milled dollars and parts of such dollars,
shall cease to be a legal tender as aforesaid:

Now, therefore, I, the said John Adams, President of the United States,
hereby proclaim, announce, and give notice to all whom it may concern
that, agreeably to the act last above mentioned, the coinage of silver
at the Mint of the United States commenced on the 15th day of October,
1794, and the coinage of gold on the 31st day of July, 1795; and that
consequently, in conformity to the act first above mentioned, all
foreign silver coins, except Spanish milled dollars and parts of such
dollars, will cease to pass current as money within the United States
and to be a legal tender for the payment of any debts or demands after
the 15th day of October next, and all foreign gold coins will cease to
pass current as money within the United States and to be a legal tender
as aforesaid for the payment of any debts or demands after the 31st day
of July, which will be A.D. 1798.

In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the United States to be
affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand.

[SEAL.]

Done at Philadelphia, the 22d day of July, A.D. 1797, and of the
Independence of the United States the twenty-second.

JOHN ADAMS.

By the President:
  TIMOTHY PICKERING,
    _Secretary of State_.




FIRST ANNUAL ADDRESS.


UNITED STATES, _November 22, 1797_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

I was for some time apprehensive that it would be necessary, on account
of the contagious sickness which afflicted the city of Philadelphia,
to convene the National Legislature at some other place. This measure
it was desirable to avoid, because it would occasion much public
inconvenience and a considerable public expense and add to the
calamities of the inhabitants of this city, whose sufferings must have
excited the sympathy of all their fellow-citizens. Therefore, after
taking measures to ascertain the state and decline of the sickness, I
postponed my determination, having hopes, now happily realized, that,
without hazard to the lives or health of the members, Congress might
assemble at this place, where it was next by law to meet. I submit,
however, to your consideration whether a power to postpone the meeting
of Congress, without passing the time fixed by the Constitution upon
such occasions, would not be a useful amendment to the law of 1794.

Although I can not yet congratulate you on the reestablishment of peace
in Europe and the restoration of security to the persons and properties
of our citizens from injustice and violence at sea, we have,
nevertheless, abundant cause of gratitude to the source of benevolence
and influence for interior tranquillity and personal security, for
propitious seasons, prosperous agriculture, productive fisheries, and
general improvements, and, above all, for a rational spirit of civil and
religious liberty and a calm but steady determination to support our
sovereignty, as well as our moral and our religious principles, against
all open and secret attacks.

Our envoys extraordinary to the French Republic embarked---one in July,
the other early in August--to join their colleague in Holland. I have
received intelligence of the arrival of both of them in Holland, from
whence they all proceeded on their journeys to Paris within a few days
of the 19th of September. Whatever may be the result of this mission,
I trust that nothing will have been omitted on my part to conduct the
negotiation to a successful conclusion, on such equitable terms as may
be compatible with the safety, honor, and interest of the United States.
Nothing, in the meantime, will contribute so much to the preservation of
peace and the attainment of justice as a manifestation of that energy
and unanimity of which on many former occasions the people of the United
States have given such memorable proofs, and the exertion of those
resources for national defense which a beneficent Providence has kindly
placed within their power.

It may be confidently asserted that nothing has occurred since the
adjournment of Congress which renders inexpedient those precautionary
measures recommended by me to the consideration of the two Houses at the
opening of your late extraordinary session. If that system was then
prudent, it is more so now, as increasing depredations strengthen the
reasons for its adoption.

Indeed, whatever may be the issue of the negotiation with France, and
whether the war in Europe is or is not to continue, I hold it most
certain that permanent tranquillity and order will not soon be obtained.
The state of society has so long been disturbed, the sense of moral and
religious obligations so much weakened, public faith and national honor
have been so impaired, respect to treaties has been so diminished, and
the law of nations has lost so much of its force, while pride, ambition,
avarice, and violence have been so long unrestrained, there remains no
reasonable ground on which to raise an expectation that a commerce
without protection or defense will not be plundered.

The commerce of the United States is essential, if not to their
existence, at least to their comfort, their growth, prosperity, and
happiness. The genius, character, and habits of the people are highly
commercial. Their cities have been formed and exist upon commerce. Our
agriculture, fisheries, arts, and manufactures are connected with and
depend upon it. In short, commerce has made this country what it is, and
it can not be destroyed or neglected without involving the people in
poverty and distress. Great numbers are directly and solely supported by
navigation. The faith of society is pledged for the preservation of the
rights of commercial and seafaring no less than of the other citizens.
Under this view of our affairs, I should hold myself guilty of a neglect
of duty if I forbore to recommend that we should make every exertion to
protect our commerce and to place our country in a suitable posture of
defense as the only sure means of preserving both.

I have entertained an expectation that it would have been in my power
at the opening of this session to have communicated to you the agreeable
information of the due execution of our treaty with His Catholic Majesty
respecting the withdrawing of his troops from our territory and the
demarcation of the line of limits, but by the latest authentic
intelligence Spanish garrisons were still continued within our country,
and the running of the boundary line had not been commenced. These
circumstances are the more to be regretted as they can not fail to
affect the Indians in a manner injurious to the United States. Still,
however, indulging the hope that the answers which have been given will
remove the objections offered by the Spanish officers to the immediate
execution of the treaty, I have judged it proper that we should continue
in readiness to receive the posts and to run the line of limits. Further
information on this subject will be communicated in the course of the
session.

In connection with this unpleasant state of things on our western
frontier it is proper for me to mention the attempts of foreign agents
to alienate the affections of the Indian nations and to excite them to
actual hostilities against the United States. Great activity has been
exerted by those persons who have insinuated themselves among the Indian
tribes residing within the territory of the United States to influence
them to transfer their affections and force to a foreign nation, to
form them into a confederacy, and prepare them for war against the
United States. Although measures have been taken to counteract these
infractions of our rights, to prevent Indian hostilities, and to
preserve entire their attachment to the United States, it is my duty to
observe that to give a better effect to these measures and to obviate
the consequences of a repetition of such practices a law providing
adequate punishment for such offenses may be necessary.

The commissioners appointed under the fifth article of the treaty of
amity, commerce, and navigation between the United States and Great
Britain to ascertain the river which was truly intended under the
name of the river St. Croix mentioned in the treaty of peace, met at
Passamaquoddy Bay in October, 1796, and viewed the mouths of the rivers
in question and the adjacent shores and islands, and, being of opinion
that actual surveys of both rivers to their sources were necessary,
gave to the agents of the two nations instructions for that purpose,
and adjourned to meet at Boston in August. They met, but the surveys
requiring more time than had been supposed, and not being then
completed, the commissioners again adjourned, to meet at Providence,
in the State of Rhode Island, in June next, when we may expect a final
examination and decision.

The commissioners appointed in pursuance of the sixth article of the
treaty met at Philadelphia in May last to examine the claims of British
subjects for debts contracted before the peace and still remaining due
to them from citizens or inhabitants of the United States. Various
causes have hitherto prevented any determinations, but the business is
now resumed, and doubtless will be prosecuted without interruption.

Several decisions on the claims of citizens of the United States for
losses and damages sustained by reason of irregular and illegal captures
or condemnations of their vessels or other property have been made by
the commissioners in London comformably to the seventh article of the
treaty. The sums awarded by the commissioners have been paid by the
British Government. A considerable number of other claims, where costs
and damages, and not captured property, were the only objects in
question, have been decided by arbitration, and the sums awarded to the
citizens of the United States have also been paid.

The commissioners appointed agreeably to the twenty-first article of our
treaty with Spain met at Philadelphia in the summer past to examine and
decide on the claims of our citizens for losses they have sustained
in consequence of their vessels and cargoes having been taken by the
subjects of His Catholic Majesty during the late war between Spain and
France. Their sittings have been interrupted, but are now resumed.

The United States being obligated to make compensation for the losses
and damages sustained by British subjects, upon the award of the
commissioners acting under the sixth article of the treaty with Great
Britain, and for the losses and damages sustained by British subjects by
reason of the capture of their vessels and merchandise taken within the
limits and jurisdiction of the United States and brought into their
ports, or taken by vessels originally armed in ports of the United
States, upon the awards of the commissioners acting under the seventh
article of the same treaty, it is necessary that provision be made for
fulfilling these obligations.

The numerous captures of American vessels by the cruisers of the French
Republic and of some by those of Spain have occasioned considerable
expenses in making and supporting the claims of our citizens before
their tribunals. The sums required for this purpose have in divers
instances been disbursed by the consuls of the United States. By means
of the same captures great numbers of our seamen have been thrown ashore
in foreign countries, destitute of all means of subsistence, and the
sick in particular have been exposed to grievous sufferings. The consuls
have in these cases also advanced moneys for their relief. For these
advances they reasonably expect reimbursements from the United States.

The consular act relative to seamen requires revision and amendment. The
provisions for their support in foreign countries and for their return
are found to be inadequate and ineffectual. Another provision seems
necessary to be added to the consular act. Some foreign vessels have
been discovered sailing under the flag of the United States and with
forged papers. It seldom happens that the consuls can detect this
deception, because they have no authority to demand an inspection of
the registers and sea letters.

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

It is my duty to recommend to your serious consideration those objects
which by the Constitution are placed particularly within your
sphere--the national debts and taxes.

Since the decay of the feudal system, by which the public defense was
provided for chiefly at the expense of individuals, the system of loans
has been introduced, and as no nation can raise within the year by taxes
sufficient sums for its defense and military operations in time of war,
the sums loaned and debts contracted have necessarily become the
subjects of what have been called funding systems. The consequences
arising from the continual accumulation of public debts in other
countries ought to admonish us to be careful to prevent their growth in
our own. The national defense must be provided for as well as the
support of Government; but both should be accomplished as much as
possible by immediate taxes, and as little as possible by loans.

The estimates for the service of the ensuing year will by my direction
be laid before you.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

We are met together at a most interesting period. The situations of the
principal powers of Europe are singular and portentous. Connected with
some by treaties and with all by commerce, no important event there can
be indifferent to us. Such circumstances call with peculiar importunity
not less for a disposition to unite in all those measures on which the
honor, safety, and prosperity of our country depend than for all the
exertions of wisdom and firmness.

In all such measures you may rely on my zealous and hearty concurrence.

JOHN ADAMS.




ADDRESS OF THE SENATE TO JOHN ADAMS, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

SIR: The communications you thought proper to make in your speech to
both Houses of Congress on the opening of their present session afford
additional proofs of the attention, integrity, and firmness which have
always marked your official character.

We can not but approve of the measures you had taken to ascertain
the state and decline of the contagious sickness which has so lately
afflicted the city of Philadelphia, and the pleasing circumstance that
Congress is now assembled at that place without hazard to the health
of its members evinces the propriety of your having postponed a
determination to convene the National Legislature at another place. We
shall take into consideration the law of 1794 on this subject, and will
readily concur in any amendment which may be deemed expedient.

It would have given us much pleasure to have received your
congratulations on the reestablishment of peace in Europe and the
restoration of security to the persons and property of our citizens from
injustice and violence at sea; but though these events, so desirable to
our country and the world, have not taken place, yet we have abundant
cause of gratitude to the Great Disposer of Human Events for interior
tranquillity and personal security, for propitious seasons, prosperous
agriculture, productive fisheries, and general improvement, and, above
all, for a rational spirit of civil and religious liberty and a calm but
steady determination to support our sovereignty against all open and
secret attacks.

We learn with satisfaction that our envoys extraordinary to the French
Republic had safely arrived in Europe and were proceeding to the scene
of negotiation, and whatever may be the result of the mission, we are
perfectly satisfied that nothing on your part has been omitted which
could in any way conduce to a successful conclusion of the negotiation
upon terms compatible with the safety, honor, and interest of the United
States; and we are fully convinced that in the meantime a manifestation
of that unanimity and energy of which the people of the United States
have given such memorable proofs and a proper exertion of those
resources of national defense which we possess will essentially
contribute to the preservation of peace and the attainment of justice.

We think, sir, with you that the commerce of the United States is
essential to the growth, comfort, and prosperity of our country, and
that the faith of society is pledged for the preservation of the rights
of commercial and seafaring no less than of other citizens. And even if
our negotiation with France should terminate favorably and the war in
Europe cease, yet the state of society which unhappily prevails in so
great a portion of the world and the experience of past times under
better circumstances unite in warning us that a commerce so extensive
and which holds out so many temptations to lawless plunderers can never
be safe without protection; and we hold ourselves obliged by every tie
of duty which binds us to our constituents to promote and concur in such
measures of marine defense as may convince our merchants and seamen that
their rights are not sacrificed nor their injuries forgotten.

We regret that, notwithstanding the clear and explicit terms of the
treaty between the United States and His Catholic Majesty, the Spanish
garrisons are not yet withdrawn from our territory nor the running of
the boundary line commenced. The United States have been faithful in the
performance of their obligations to Spain, and had reason to expect a
compliance equally prompt on the part of that power. We still, however,
indulge the hope that the convincing answers which have been given to
the objections stated by the Spanish officers to the immediate execution
of the treaty will have their proper effect, and that this treaty, so
mutually beneficial to the contracting parties, will be finally observed
with good faith. We therefore entirely approve of your determination to
continue in readiness to receive the posts and to run the line of
partition between our territory and that of the King of Spain.

Attempts to alienate the affections of the Indians, to form them into a
confederacy, and to excite them to actual hostility against the United
States, whether made by foreign agents or by others, are so injurious to
our interests at large and so inhuman with respect to our citizens
inhabiting the adjacent territory as to deserve the most exemplary
punishment, and we will cheerfully afford our aid in framing a law which
may prescribe a punishment adequate to the commission of crimes so
heinous.

The several objects you have pointed out to the attention of the
Legislature, whether they regard our internal or external relations,
shall receive from us that consideration which they merit, and we will
readily concur in all such measures as may be necessary either to enable
us to fulfill our engagements at home or to cause ourselves to be
respected abroad; and at this portentous period, when the powers of
Europe with whom we are connected by treaty or commerce are in so
critical a situation, and when the conduct of some of those powers
toward the United States is so hostile and menacing, the several
branches of the Government are, in our opinion, called upon with
peculiar importunity to unite, and by union not only to devise and carry
into effect those measures on which the safety and prosperity of our
country depend, but also to undeceive those nations who, regarding us
as a weak and divided people, have pursued systems of aggression
inconsistent with a state of peace between independent nations. And,
sir, we beg leave to assure you that we derive a singular consolation
from the reflection that at such a time the executive part of our
Government has been committed to your hands, for in your integrity,
talents, and firmness we place the most entire confidence.

JACOB READ,

_President of the Senate pro tempore_.

NOVEMBER 27, 1797.




REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT.


UNITED STATES, _November 28, 1797_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate:_

I thank you for this address.

When, after the most laborious investigation and serious reflection,
without partial considerations or personal motives, measures have been
adopted or recommended, I can receive no higher testimony of their
rectitude than the approbation of an assembly so independent, patriotic,
and enlightened as the Senate of the United States.

Nothing has afforded me more entire satisfaction than the coincidence
of your judgment with mine in the opinion of the essential importance
of our commerce and the absolute necessity of a maritime defense. What
is it that has drawn to Europe the superfluous riches of the three
other quarters of the globe but a marine? What is it that has drained
the wealth of Europe itself into the coffers of two or three of its
principal commercial powers but a marine?

The world has furnished no example of a flourishing commerce without a
maritime protection, and a moderate knowledge of man and his history
will convince anyone that no such prodigy ever can arise. A mercantile
marine and a military marine must grow up together; one can not long
exist without the other.

JOHN ADAMS.




ADDRESS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES TO JOHN ADAMS, PRESIDENT OF THE
UNITED STATES.

SIR: While our sympathy is excited by the recent sufferings of the
citizens of Philadelphia, we participate in the satisfaction which you
are pleased to express that the duration of the late calamity was so
limited as to render unnecessary the expense and inconvenience that
would have been incident to the convention of Congress in another place;
and we shall readily attend to every useful amendment of the law which
contemplates the event of contagious sickness at the seat of Government.

In lamenting the increase of the injuries offered to the persons
and property of our citizens at sea we gratefully acknowledge the
continuance of interior tranquillity and the attendant blessings of
which you remind us as alleviations of these fatal effects of injustice
and violence.

Whatever may be the result of the mission to the French Republic, your
early and uniform attachment to the interest of our country, your
important services in the struggle for its independence, and your
unceasing exertions for its welfare afford no room to doubt of the
sincerity of your efforts to conduct the negotiation to a successful
conclusion on such terms as may be compatible with the safety, honor,
and interest of the United States. We have also a firm reliance upon the
energy and unanimity of the people of these States in the assertion of
their rights, and on their determination to exert upon all proper
occasions their ample resources in providing for the national defense.

The importance of commerce and its beneficial influence upon
agriculture, arts, and manufactures have been verified in the growth and
prosperity of our country. It is essentially connected with the other
great interests of the community; they must flourish and decline
together; and while the extension of our navigation and trade naturally
excites the jealousy and tempts the avarice of other nations, we are
firmly persuaded that the numerous and deserving class of citizens
engaged in these pursuits and dependent on them for their subsistence
has a strong and indisputable claim to our support and protection.

The delay of the Spanish officers to fulfill the treaty existing with
His Catholic Majesty is a source of deep regret. We learn, however, with
satisfaction that you still indulge hopes of removing the objections
which have been made to its execution, and that you have continued in
readiness to receive the posts. Disposed to perform with fidelity our
national engagements, nothing shall be wanting on our part to obtain the
same justice from others which we exercise toward them.

Our abhorrence can not be too strongly expressed of the intrigues of
foreign agents to alienate the affections of the Indians and to rouse
them to acts of hostility against the United States. No means in our
power should be omitted of providing for the suppression of such cruel
practices and for the adequate punishment of their atrocious authors.

Upon the other interesting subjects noticed in your address we shall
bestow the requisite attention. To preserve inviolable the public
faith by providing for the due execution of our treaties, to indemnify
those who may have just claims to retribution upon the United States
for expenses incurred in defending the property and relieving the
necessities of our unfortunate fellow-citizens, to guard against
evasions of the laws intended to secure advantages to the navigation
of our own vessels, and especially to prevent by all possible means an
unnecessary accumulation of the public debt, are duties which we shall
endeavor to keep in view and discharge with assiduity.

We regard with great anxiety the singular and portentous situation of
the principal powers of Europe. It were devoutly to be wished that the
United States, remote from this seat of war and discord, unambitious of
conquests, respecting the rights of other nations, and desirous merely
to avail themselves of their natural resources, might be permitted to
behold the scenes which desolate that quarter of the globe with only
those sympathetic emotions which are natural to the lovers of peace and
friends of the human race. But we are led by events to associate with
these feelings a sense of the dangers which menace our security and
peace. We rely upon your assurances of a zealous and hearty concurrence
in such measures as may be necessary to avert these dangers, and nothing
on our part shall be wanting to repel them which the honor, safety, and
prosperity of our country may require.

NOVEMBER 28, 1797.



REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT.

UNITED STATES, _November 29, 1797_.

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

I receive this address from the House of Representatives of the United
States with peculiar pleasure.

Your approbation of the meeting of Congress in this city and of those
other measures of the Executive authority of Government communicated in
my address to both Houses at the opening of the session afford me great
satisfaction, as the strongest desire of my heart is to give
satisfaction to the people and their Representatives by a faithful
discharge of my duty.

The confidence you express in the sincerity of my endeavors and in the
unanimity of the people does me much honor and gives me great joy.

I rejoice in that harmony which appears in the sentiments of all
the branches of the Government on the importance of our commerce
and our obligations to defend it, as well as in all the other subjects
recommended to your consideration, and sincerely congratulate you and
our fellow-citizens at large on this appearance, so auspicious to the
honor, interest, and happiness of the nation.




SPECIAL MESSAGES.


UNITED STATES, _December 6, 1797_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

Isaac Smith, esq., who was appointed, with the advice and consent of
the Senate, to hold a treaty with the Seneca Nation of Indians, to
superintend the purchase of a parcel of their land under a right of
preemption derived from the State of Massachusetts, and situated within
the State of New York, having declined that service, Jeremiah Wadsworth,
esq., was appointed during your recess to hold a treaty, which has
terminated in a deed of bargain and sale, herewith submitted to your
consideration.

It being represented to me that the immediate investment in bank stock
of the moneys which are to be the consideration of this deed might be
attended with considerable loss to the Indians by raising the market
price of that article, it is suggested whether it would not be expedient
that the ratification should be made conclusive and binding on the
parties only after the President shall be satisfied that the investment
of the moneys has been made conformably to the intention of the treaty.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _December 13, 1797_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

I lay before you the copy of a letter from the judges of the Supreme
Court of the United States, representing the inconvenience arising from
altering the time of holding the circuit court for the State of Delaware
from April to June, and desiring that the existing law may be altered by
restoring the spring session of the circuit court in Delaware to the
27th of April.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _December 30, 1797_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

In compliance with the desire of the two Houses of Congress, expressed
in their resolution of the 2d of March, 1797, that some speedy and
effectual means might be adopted of obtaining information from the
States of Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia,
Kentucky, Tennessee, and South Carolina whether they have ratified the
amendment proposed by Congress to the Constitution concerning the
suability of States, and if they have, to obtain proper evidences,
measures have been taken and information and evidences obtained the
particulars of which will appear in the report from the Secretary of
State made by my direction on the 28th day of this month, and now
presented to the two Houses for their consideration.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _January 5, 1798_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

The Secretary for the Department of War on the 30th day of December last
made a representation to me of the situation of affairs in his office,
which I now transmit to the Senate and House of Representatives, and
recommend to their consideration and decision.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _January 8, 1798_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

The situation of affairs between some of the citizens of the United
States and the Cherokee Indians has evinced the propriety of holding a
treaty with that nation to extinguish by purchase their right to certain
parcels of land and to adjust and settle other points relative to the
safety and conveniency of our citizens. With this view I nominate Fisher
Ames, of Dedham, in the State of Massachusetts; Bushrod Washington, of
Richmond, in the State of Virginia, and Alfred Moore, of North Carolina,
to be commissioners of the United States with full powers to hold
conferences and conclude a treaty with the Cherokee Nation of Indians
for the purposes before mentioned.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _January 17, 1798_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

I have now an opportunity of transmitting to Congress a report of the
Secretary of State, with a copy of an act of the legislature of the
State of Kentucky consenting to the ratification of the amendment of
the Constitution of the United States proposed by Congress in their
resolution of the 2d day of December, 1793, relative to the suability
of States. This amendment, having been adopted by three-fourths of the
several States, may now be declared to be a part of the Constitution of
the United States.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _January 17, 1798_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

The situation of affairs between the United States and the Cherokee
Indians having evinced the expediency of a treaty with that nation for
the promotion of justice to them, as well as of the interests and
convenience of our citizens, I have nominated and, by and with the
advice and consent of the Senate, appointed commissioners to hold
conferences and conclude a treaty as early as the season of the year
and the convenience of the parties will admit.

As we know very well by experience such negotiations can not be carried
on without considerable expenses, I recommend to your consideration the
propriety of making an appropriation at this time for defraying such as
may be necessary for holding and concluding a treaty.

That you may form your judgments with greater facility, I shall direct
the proper officer to lay before you an estimate of such articles and
expenses as may be thought indispensable.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _January 18, 1798_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

A representation has been made to me by the judge of the Pennsylvania
district of the United States of certain inconveniences and disagreeable
circumstances which have occurred in the execution of the law passed on
the 28th day of May, 1796, entitled "An act for the relief of persons
imprisoned for debt," as well as of certain doubts which have been
raised concerning its construction. This representation, together with
a report of the Attorney-General on the same subject, I now transmit to
Congress for their consideration, that if any amendments or explanations
of that law should be thought advisable they may be adopted.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _January 23, 1798_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

At the commencement of this session of Congress I proposed in the course
of it to communicate to both Houses further information concerning
the situation of our affairs in the territories of the United States
situated on the Mississippi River and in its neighborhood; our
intercourse with the Indian nations; our relations with the Spanish
Government, and the conduct of their officers and agents. This
information will be found in a report of the Secretary of State and the
documents attending it, which I now present to the Senate and House of
Representatives.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _February 2, 1798_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

I have received from our minister in London two acts of the Parliament
of Great Britain, one passed on the 4th of July, 1797, entitled "An
act for carrying into execution the treaty of amity, commerce, and
navigation concluded between His Majesty and the United States of
America," the other passed on the 19th day of July, 1797, entitled
"An act for regulating the trade to be carried on with the British
possessions in India by the ships of nations in amity with His Majesty."
These acts have such connections with the commercial and political
interests of the United States that it is proper they should be
communicated to Congress. I have accordingly transmitted copies of
them with this message.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _February 5, 1798_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

I have received a letter from His Excellency Charles Pinckney, esq.,
governor of the State of South Carolina, dated the 22d of October, 1797,
inclosing a number of depositions of witnesses to several captures and
outrages committed within and near the limits of the United States by a
French privateer belonging to Cape Francois, or Monte Christo, called
the _Vertitude_ or _Fortitude_, and commanded by a person of the name of
Jordan or Jourdain, and particularly upon an English merchant ship named
the _Oracabissa_, which he first plundered and then burned, with the
rest of her cargo, of great value, within the territory of the United
States, in the harbor of Charleston, on the 17th day of October last,
copies of which letter and depositions, and also of several other
depositions relative to the same subject, received from the collector
of Charleston, are herewith communicated.

Whenever the channels of diplomatical communication between the United
States and France shall be opened, I shall demand satisfaction for the
insult and reparation for the injury.

I have transmitted these papers to Congress not so much for the purpose
of communicating an account of so daring a violation of the territory of
the United States as to show the propriety and necessity of enabling the
Executive authority of Government to take measures for protecting the
citizens of the United States and such foreigners as have a right to
enjoy their peace and the protection of their laws within their limits
in that as well as some other harbors which are equally exposed.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _February 12, 1798_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

In obedience to the law, I now present to both Houses of Congress my
annual account of expenditures from the contingent fund during the year
1797, by which it appears that on the 1st day of January last there
remained in the Treasury a balance of $15,494.24 subject to future
dispositions of Government.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _February 18, 1798_.

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

In the report of the Secretary of State and the documents herewith
transmitted will be found such information as is in our possession of
the losses recovered by the citizens of the United States under the
treaty made with Great Britain, which are now presented to the House of
Representatives in compliance with their request in their resolution of
the 1st of this month.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _February 20, 1798_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

In obedience to the law of the United States of the 3d of March, 1797,
entitled "An act authorizing an expenditure and making an appropriation
for the prosecution of the claims of certain citizens of the United
States for property captured by the belligerent powers," I submit to
Congress the account exhibited to me by the Secretary of State with his
report of the 17th of this month.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _February 21, 1798_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

Having received the original treaty concluded between the United States
and the Government of Tunis, I lay it before the Senate of the United
States whether they advise and consent to its ratification.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _February 23, 1798_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

The inclosed memorial from the commissioners appointed under an act of
the United States entitled "An act for establishing the temporary and
permanent seat of the Government of the United States," representing
the situation and circumstances of the city of Washington, I take this
opportunity to present to both Houses of the Legislature and recommend
to their consideration. Alexander White, esq., one of those commissioners,
is now in this city, and will be able to give to Congress, or any of
their committees, any explanation or further information which the
subject may require.

JOHN ADAMS



UNITED STATES, _March 5, 1798_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

The first dispatches from our envoys extraordinary since their arrival
at Paris were received at the Secretary of State's office at a late hour
last evening. They are all in a character which will require some days
to be deciphered, except the last, which is dated the 8th of January,
1798. The contents of this letter are of so much importance to be
immediately made known to Congress and to the public, especially to the
mercantile part of our fellow-citizens, that I have thought it my duty
to communicate them to both Houses without loss of time.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _March 12, 1798_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

Insinuations having been repeatedly made in the name of the Court of
Sweden of an inclination to renew the connection between the United
States and that power, I sent, in the recess of the Senate, to our
minister at Berlin a full power to negotiate that business, with
such alterations as might be agreeable to both parties; but as that
commission, if not renewed with the advice and consent of the Senate,
will expire with the present session of Congress, I now nominate John
Quincy Adams to be a commissioner with full powers to negotiate a treaty
of amity and commerce with His Majesty the King of Sweden.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _March 19, 1798_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

The dispatches from the envoys extraordinary of the United States to the
French Republic, which were mentioned in my message to both Houses of
Congress of the 5th instant, have been examined and maturely considered.

While I feel a satisfaction in informing you that their exertions for
the adjustment of the differences between the two nations have been
sincere and unremitted, it is incumbent on me to declare that I perceive
no ground of expectation that the objects of their mission can be
accomplished on terms compatible with the safety, the honor, or the
essential interests of the nation.

This result can not with justice be attributed to any want of moderation
on the part of this Government, or to any indisposition to forego
secondary interests for the preservation of peace. Knowing it to be
my duty, and believing it to be your wish, as well as that of the
great body of the people, to avoid by all reasonable concessions any
participation in the contentions of Europe, the powers vested in our
envoys were commensurate with a liberal and pacific policy and that high
confidence which might justly be reposed in the abilities, patriotism,
and integrity of the characters to whom the negotiation was committed.
After a careful review of the whole subject, with the aid of all the
information I have received, I can discern nothing which could have
insured or contributed to success that has been omitted on my part, and
nothing further which can be attempted consistently with maxims for
which our country has contended at every hazard, and which constitute
the basis of our national sovereignty.

Under these circumstances I can not forbear to reiterate the
recommendations which have been formerly made, and to exhort you to
adopt with promptitude, decision, and unanimity such measures as
the ample resources of the country afford for the protection of our
seafaring and commercial citizens, for the defense of any exposed
portions of our territory, for replenishing our arsenals, establishing
foundries and military manufactures, and to provide such efficient
revenue as will be necessary to defray extraordinary expenses and supply
the deficiencies which may be occasioned by depredations on our
commerce.

The present state of things is so essentially different from that in
which instructions were given to the collectors to restrain vessels of
the United States from sailing in an armed condition that the principle
on which those orders were issued has ceased to exist. I therefore
deem it proper to inform Congress that I no longer conceive myself
justifiable in continuing them, unless in particular cases where there
may be reasonable ground of suspicion that such vessels are intended
to be employed contrary to law.

In all your proceedings it will be important to manifest a zeal, vigor,
and concert in defense of the national rights proportioned to the danger
with which they are threatened.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _April 3, 1798_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

In compliance with the request of the House of Representatives expressed
in their resolution of the 2d of this month, I transmit to both Houses
those instructions to and dispatches from the envoys extraordinary of
the United States to the French Republic which were mentioned in my
message of the 19th of March last, omitting only some names and a few
expressions descriptive of the persons.

I request that they may be considered in confidence until the members
of Congress are fully possessed of their contents and shall have had
opportunity to deliberate on the consequences of their publication,
after which time I submit them to your wisdom.

JOHN ADAMS



UNITED STATES, _April 12, 1798_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

A treaty with the Mohawk Nation of Indians has by accident lain long
neglected. It was executed under the authority of the Honorable Isaac
Smith, a commissioner of the United States. I now submit it to the
Senate for their consideration.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _May 3, 1798_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

His Excellency John Jay, esq., governor of New York, has informed me
that the Oneida tribe of Indians have proposed to sell a part of their
land to the said State, and that the legislature at their late session
authorized the purchase, and to accomplish this object the governor has
desired that a commissioner may be appointed to hold a treaty with the
Oneida tribe of Indians, at which the agents of the State of New York
may agree with them on the terms of the purchase. I therefore nominate
Joseph Hopkinson, esq., of Pennsylvania, to be the commissioner to hold
a treaty with the said Oneida tribe of Indians for the purpose above
mentioned.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _June 21, 1798_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

While I congratulate you on the arrival of General Marshall, one of our
late envoys extraordinary to the French Republic, at a place of safety,
where he is justly held in honor, I think it my duty to communicate to
you a letter received by him from Mr. Gerry, the only one of the three
who has not received his conge. This letter, together with another from
the minister of foreign relations to him of the 3d of April, and his
answer of the 4th, will shew the situation in which he remains--his
intentions and prospects.

I presume that before this time he has received fresh instructions (a
copy of which accompanies this message) to consent to no loans, and
therefore the negotiation may be considered at an end.

I will never send another minister to France without assurances that he
will be received, respected, and honored as the representative of a
great, free, powerful, and independent nation.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _June 27, 1798_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

I have received a letter from His Excellency Thomas Mifflin, governor of
Pennsylvania, inclosing some documents which I judge it my duty to lay
before Congress without loss of time.

As my opinion coincides entirely with that of his excellency the
governor, I recommend the subject to the consideration of both Houses of
Congress, whose authority alone appears to me adequate to the occasion.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _July 2, 1798_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

I nominate George Washington, of Mount Vernon, to be Lieutenant-General
and Commander in Chief of all the armies raised or to be raised in the
United States.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _July 13, 1798_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

A resolution of both Houses of Congress authorizing an adjournment on
Monday, the 16th of this month, has been laid before me. Sensible of
the severity of the service in so long a session, it is with great
reluctance that I find myself obliged to offer any consideration which
may operate against the inclinations of the members; but certain
measures of Executive authority which will require the consideration of
the Senate, and which can not be matured, in all probability, before
Monday or Tuesday, oblige me to request of the Senate that they would
continue their session until Wednesday or Thursday.

JOHN ADAMS.



UNITED STATES, _July 17, 1798_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

Believing that the letter received this morning from General Washington
will give high satisfaction to the Senate, I transmit them a copy of it,
and congratulate them and the public on this great event--the General's
acceptance of his appointment as Lieutenant-General and Commander in
Chief of the Army.

JOHN ADAMS.



MOUNT VERNON, _July 13, 1798_.

JOHN ADAMS,

_President of the United States_.

DEAR SIR: I had the honor, on the evening of the 11th instant, to
receive from the hands of the Secretary of War your favor of the 7th,
announcing that you had, with the advice and consent of the Senate,
appointed me "Lieutenant-General and Commander in Chief of all the
armies raised or to be raised for the service of the United States."

I can not express how greatly affected I am at this new proof of public
confidence and the highly flattering manner in which you have been
pleased to make the communication. At the same time I must not conceal
from you my earnest wish that the choice had fallen upon a man less
declined in years and better qualified to encounter the usual
vicissitudes of war.

You know, sir, what calculation I had made relative to the probable
course of events on my retiring from office, and the determination I had
consoled myself with of closing the remnant of my days in my present
peaceful abode. You will therefore be at no loss to conceive and
appreciate the sensations I must have experienced to bring my mind to
any conclusion that would pledge me, at so late a period of life, to
leave scenes I sincerely love to enter upon the boundless field of
public action, incessant trouble, and high responsibility.

It was not possible for me to remain ignorant of or indifferent to
recent transactions. The conduct of the Directory of France toward our
country, their insidious hostility to its Government, their various
practices to withdraw the affections of the people from it, the evident
tendency of their acts and those of their agents to countenance and
invigorate opposition, their disregard of solemn treaties and the laws
of nations, their war upon our defenseless commerce, their treatment of
our ministers of peace, and their demands amounting to tribute could not
fail to excite in me corresponding sentiments with those my countrymen
have so generally expressed in their affectionate addresses to you.
Believe me, sir, no one can more cordially approve of the wise and
prudent measures of your Administration. They ought to inspire universal
confidence, and will no doubt, combined with the state of things, call
from Congress such laws and means as will enable you to meet the full
force and extent of the crisis.

Satisfied, therefore, that you have sincerely wished and endeavored to
avert war, and exhausted to the last drop the cup of reconciliation, we
can with pure hearts appeal to Heaven for the justice of our cause, and
may confidently trust the final result to that kind Providence who has
heretofore and so often signally favored the people of these United
States.

Thinking in this manner, and feeling how incumbent it is upon every
person, of every description, to contribute at all times to his
country's welfare, and especially in a moment like the present, when
everything we hold dear and sacred is so seriously threatened, I have
finally determined to accept the commission of Commander in Chief of the
armies of the United States, with the reserve only that I shall not be
called into the field until the Army is in a situation to require my
presence or it becomes indispensable by the urgency of circumstances.

In making this reservation I beg it to be understood that I do not mean
to withhold any assistance to arrange and organize the Army which you
may think I can afford. I take the liberty also to mention that I
must decline having my acceptance considered as drawing after it any
immediate charge upon the public, or that I can receive any emoluments
annexed to the appointment before entering into a situation to incur
expense.

The Secretary of War being anxious to return to the seat of Government,
I have detained him no longer than was necessary to a full communication
upon the several points he had in charge.

With very great respect and consideration, I have the honor to be, dear
sir, your most obedient and humble servant,

G'o. WASHINGTON.




PROCLAMATIONS.


BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

As the safety and prosperity of nations ultimately and essentially
depend on the protection and the blessing of Almighty God, and the
national acknowledgment of this truth is not only an indispensable duty
which the people owe to Him, but a duty whose natural influence is
favorable to the promotion of that morality and piety without which
social happiness can not exist nor the blessings of a free government
be enjoyed; and as this duty, at all times incumbent, is so especially
in seasons of difficulty or of danger, when existing or threatening
calamities, the just judgments of God against prevalent iniquity, are
a loud call to repentance and reformation; and as the United States of
America are at present placed in a hazardous and afflictive situation
by the unfriendly disposition, conduct, and demands of a foreign power,
evinced by repeated refusals to receive our messengers of reconciliation
and peace, by depredations on our commerce, and the infliction of
injuries on very many of our fellow-citizens while engaged in their
lawful business on the seas--under these considerations it has appeared
to me that the duty of imploring the mercy and benediction of Heaven
on our country demands at this time a special attention from its
inhabitants.

I have therefore thought fit to recommend, and I do hereby recommend,
that Wednesday, the 9th day of May next, be observed throughout the
United States as a day of solemn humiliation, fasting, and prayer; that
the citizens of these States, abstaining on that day from their
customary worldly occupations, offer their devout addresses to the
Father of Mercies agreeably to those forms or methods which they have
severally adopted as the most suitable and becoming; that all religious
congregations do, with the deepest humility, acknowledge before God the
manifold sins and transgressions with which we are justly chargeable as
individuals and as a nation, beseeching Him at the same time, of His
infinite grace, through the Redeemer of the World, freely to remit all
our offenses, and to incline us by His Holy Spirit to that sincere
repentance and reformation which may afford us reason to hope for his
inestimable favor and heavenly benediction; that it be made the subject
of particular and earnest supplication that our country may be protected
from all the dangers which threaten it; that our civil and religious
privileges may be preserved inviolate and perpetuated to the latest
generations; that our public councils and magistrates may be especially
enlightened and directed at this critical period; that the American
people may be united in those bonds of amity and mutual confidence and
inspired with that vigor and fortitude by which they have in times past
been so highly distinguished and by which they have obtained such
invaluable advantages; that the health of the inhabitants of our land
may be preserved, and their agriculture, commerce, fisheries, arts, and
manufactures be blessed and prospered; that the principles of genuine
piety and sound morality may influence the minds and govern the lives of
every description of our citizens, and that the blessings of peace,
freedom, and pure religion may be speedily extended to all the nations
of the earth.

And finally, I recommend that on the said day the duties of humiliation
and prayer be accompanied by fervent thanksgiving to the Bestower
of Every Good Gift, not only for His having hitherto protected and
preserved the people of these United States in the independent enjoyment
of their religious and civil freedom, but also for having prospered them
in a wonderful progress of population, and for conferring on them many
and great favors conducive to the happiness and prosperity of a nation.

[SEAL.]

Given under my hand and the seal of the United States of America, at
Philadelphia, this 23d day of March, A.D. 1798, and of the Independence
of the said States the twenty-second.

JOHN ADAMS.

By the President:
  TIMOTHY PICKERING,
    _Secretary of State_.



[From C.R. Adams's Works of John Adams, Vol. IX, p. 170.]

PROCLAMATION.

JULY 13, 1798.

The citizen Joseph Philippe Letombe having heretofore produced to the
President of the United States his commission as consul-general of the
French Republic within the United States of America, and another
commission as consul of the French Republic at Philadelphia; and, in
like manner, the citizen Rosier having produced his commission as
vice-consul of the French Republic at New York; and the citizen Arcambal
having produced his commission as vice-consul of the French Republic at
Newport; and citizen Theodore Charles Mozard having produced his
commission as consul of the French Republic within the States of New
Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Rhode Island; and the President of the
United States having thereupon granted an exequatur to each of the
French citizens above named, recognizing them in their respective
consular offices above mentioned, and declaring them respectively free
to exercise and enjoy such functions, powers, and privileges as are
allowed to a consul-general, consuls, and vice-consuls of the French
Republic by their treaties, conventions, and laws in that case made and
provided; and the Congress of the United States, by their act passed the
7th day of July, 1798, having declared "that the United States are of
right freed and exonerated from the stipulations of the treaties and of
the consular convention heretofore concluded between the United States
and France, and that the same shall not henceforth be regarded as
legally obligatory on the Government or citizens of the United States,"
and by a former act, passed the 13th day of May, 1798, the Congress of
the United States having "suspended the commercial intercourse between
the United States and France and the dependencies thereof," which
commercial intercourse was the direct and chief object of the consular
establishment; and

Whereas actual hostilities have long been practiced on the commerce of
the United States by the cruisers of the French Republic under the
orders of its Government, which orders that Government refuses to revoke
or relax; and hence it has become improper any longer to allow the
consul-general, consuls, and vice-consuls of the French Republic above
named, or any of its consular persons or agents heretofore admitted in
these United States, any longer to exercise their consular functions:

These are therefore to declare that I do no longer recognize the said
citizen Letombe as consul-general or consul, nor the said citizens
Rosier and Arcambal as vice-consuls, nor the said citizen Mozard as
consul of the French Republic in any part of these United States, nor
permit them or any other consular persons or agents of the French
Republic heretofore admitted in the United States to exercise their
functions as such; and I do hereby wholly revoke the exequaturs
heretofore given to them respectively, and do declare them absolutely
null and void from this day forward.

In testimony whereof, etc.

JOHN ADAMS.




SECOND ANNUAL ADDRESS.


UNITED STATES, _December 8, 1798_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

While with reverence and resignation we contemplate the dispensations
of Divine Providence in the alarming and destructive pestilence with
which several of our cities and towns have been visited, there is
cause for gratitude and mutual congratulations that the malady has
disappeared and that we are again permitted to assemble in safety at
the seat of Government for the discharge of our important duties. But
when we reflect that this fatal disorder has within a few years made
repeated ravages in some of our principal seaports, and with increased
malignancy, and when we consider the magnitude of the evils arising
from the interruption of public and private business, whereby the
national interests are deeply affected, I think it my duty to invite
the Legislature of the Union to examine the expediency of establishing
suitable regulations in aid of the health laws of the respective States;
for these being formed on the idea that contagious sickness may be
communicated through the channels of commerce, there seems to be a
necessity that Congress, who alone can regulate trade, should frame a
system which, while it may tend to preserve the general health, may be
compatible with the interests of commerce and the safety of the revenue.

While we think on this calamity and sympathize with the immediate
sufferers, we have abundant reason to present to the Supreme Being our
annual oblations of gratitude for a liberal participation in the
ordinary blessings of His providence. To the usual subjects of gratitude
I can not omit to add one of the first importance to our well-being and
safety; I mean that spirit which has arisen in our country against the
menaces and aggression of a foreign nation. A manly sense of national
honor, dignity, and independence has appeared which, if encouraged and
invigorated by every branch of the Government, will enable us to view
undismayed the enterprises of any foreign power and become the sure
foundation of national prosperity and glory.

The course of the transactions in relation to the United States and
France which have come to my knowledge during your recess will be made
the subject of a future communication. That communication will confirm
the ultimate failure of the measures which have been taken by the
Government of the United States toward an amicable adjustment of
differences with that power. You will at the same time perceive that the
French Government appears solicitous to impress the opinion that it is
averse to a rupture with this country, and that it has in a qualified
manner declared itself willing to receive a minister from the United
States for the purpose of restoring a good understanding. It is
unfortunate for professions of this kind that they should be expressed
in terms which may countenance the inadmissible pretension of a right to
prescribe the qualifications which a minister from the United States
should possess, and that while France is asserting the existence of a
disposition on her part to conciliate with sincerity the differences
which have arisen, the sincerity of a like disposition on the part of
the United States, of which so many demonstrative proofs have been
given, should even be indirectly questioned. It is also worthy of
observation that the decree of the Directory alleged to be intended to
restrain the depredations of French cruisers on our commerce has not
given, and can not give, any relief. It enjoins them to conform to all
the laws of France relative to cruising and prizes, while these laws are
themselves the sources of the depredations of which we have so long, so
justly, and so fruitlessly complained.

The law of France enacted in January last, which subjects to capture and
condemnation neutral vessels and their cargoes if any portion of the
latter are of British fabric or produce, although the entire property
belong to neutrals, instead of being rescinded has lately received a
confirmation by the failure of a proposition for its repeal. While this
law, which, is an unequivocal act of war on the commerce of the nations
it attacks, continues in force those nations can see in the French
Government only a power regardless of their essential rights, of their
independence and sovereignty; and if they possess the means they can
reconcile nothing with their interest and honor but a firm resistance.

Hitherto, therefore, nothing is discoverable in the conduct of France
which ought to change or relax our measures of defense. On the contrary,
to extend and invigorate them is our true policy. We have no reason to
regret that these measures have been thus far adopted and pursued, and
in proportion as we enlarge our view of the portentous and incalculable
situation of Europe we shall discover new and cogent motives for the
full development of our energies and resources.

But in demonstrating by our conduct that we do not fear war in the
necessary protection of our rights and honor we shall give no room to
infer that we abandon the desire of peace. An efficient preparation for
war can alone insure peace. It is peace that we have uniformly and
perseveringly cultivated, and harmony between us and France may be
restored at her option. But to send another minister without more
determinate assurances that he would be received would be an act
of humiliation to which the United States ought not to submit. It
must therefore be left with France (if she is indeed desirous of
accommodation) to take the requisite steps. The United States will
steadily observe the maxims by which they have hitherto been governed.
They will respect the