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Title: A Gentleman from Mississippi

Author: Thomas A. Wise

Release Date: January 28, 2004 [EBook #10844]

Language: English

Character set encoding: ASCII

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[Illustration: THE SENATOR AND "BUD" HAINES.]




A GENTLEMAN FROM MISSISSIPPI

A NOVEL

Founded on the popular play of the same title


PRODUCED UNDER THE MANAGEMENT OF WM.A. BRADY AND JOS.R. GRISMER




LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS


THE SENATOR AND BUD HAINES

"FROM NEW YORK, EH? THE VICKSBURG OF THE NORTH"

"STRANGE, HOW THE LANGDON'S TREAT HIM AS A FRIEND"

THE SENATOR ACCEPTS AN INVITATION TO TEA

THE LANGDON FAMILY

"YOU'LL HAVE TO TAKE YOUR MEDICINE LIKE A MAN"

"TO-MORROW, AT 12.30"

"AFTER I HAVE FINISHED, I DARE ONE OF YOU TO DENY A WORD"




_INTRODUCTION_


_Here is a story of an epoch-making battle of right against wrong,
of honesty against corruption, of simplicity and sincerity against
deceit, bribery and intrigue. It is the story of to-day in this
country. It vitally concerns every man, woman and child in the United
States, so far-reaching is its influence.

The warfare is now going on--the warfare of honest men against corrupt
political machines.

The story tells the "inside" of the political maneuvers in Washington
and of the workings of bosses there and elsewhere--how they shape men
and women to their ends, how their cunning intrigues extend into the
very social life of the nation's capital. You will find inspiration in
the career of the honest old Southern planter elected to the United
States Senate and the young newspaper reporter who becomes his private
secretary and political pilot. Your heart will beat in sympathy with
the love of the secretary and the Senator's youngest daughter.

You will read of the lobbyists and find that not all of them are men.
You will see how avarice causes a daughter to conspire against her
father. You will hear the note of a gripping national tragedy in the
words of Peabody, the "boss of the Senate." But cause for laughter as
well will not be found lacking in this truly many-sided narrative._




A Gentleman from Mississippi

       *       *       *       *       *




CHAPTER I

PRACTICAL POLITICS

  That bids him flout the law he makes;
  That bids him make the law he flouts.

_--Kipling_.


In buoyant spirit the Hon. Charles Norton rode up the bridle path
leading through the Langdon plantation to the old antebellum homestead
which, on a shaded knoll, overlooked the winding waters of the Pearl
River. No finer prospect was to be had in all Mississippi than greeted
the eye from the wide southwest porch, where on warm evenings the
Langdons and their frequent guests gathered to dine or to watch the
golden splendor of the dying sun.

The Langdon family had long been a power in the South. Its sons fought
under Andrew Jackson at New Orleans, under Zachary Taylor in the war
with Mexico, and in the Civil War men of that name left their blood
on the fields of Antietam, Shiloh, the Wilderness and Gettysburg. But
this family of fighting men, of unselfish patriots, had also marked
influence in the ways of peace, as real patriots should. Generations
of Langdons had taken deepest pride in developing the hundreds of
acres of cotton land, whose thousands of four-foot rows planted each
April spread open the silvery lined bolls in July and August, and the
ripened cotton fiber, pure white beneath the sun, gave from a distance
the picture of an expanse of driven snow.

The Hon. Charles Norton had reason for feeling well pleased with the
world as he fastened his bay Virginia hunter to a convenient post
and strode up the steps of the mansion, which was a characteristic
survivor of the "old South," the South of gilded romance and of
gripping tragedy. Now in this second year of his first term as
Congressman and a promising member of the younger set of Southern
lawyers, he had just taken active part in securing the election of
Colonel William H. Langdon, present head of the family, to the United
States Senate, though the ultimate action of the Legislature had been
really brought about by a lifelong friend of Colonel Langdon, the
senior Senator from the State, James Stevens, who had not hesitated to
flatter Norton and use him as a cat's-paw. This use the Hon. Charles
Norton seemed to consider an honor of large proportions. Not every
first-term Congressman can hope for intimacy with a Senator. Norton
believed that his work for Langdon would win him the family's
gratitude and thus further his ambition to marry Carolina, the
planter's oldest daughter, whose beauty made her the recipient of many
attentions.

A complacent gleam shone in Norton's eyes as they swept over the
fertile acres of the plantation. He thought of the material interest
he might one day have in them if his suit for the hand of Carolina
progressed favorably. Suddenly his reverie was interrupted by the
voice of young Randolph Langdon, a spirited lad in his early twenties,
who had just been made plantation manager, by his father.

"Well, how is the honorable to-day?" said Randolph, approaching from
the doorway. "I didn't think a Congressman could be spared from
Washington but rarely, especially when the papers say the country
needs such a lot of saving."

"Oh, this 'saving the country' talk goes all right in the story
books," replied Norton, who exercised considerable influence over the
youth through a long acquaintanceship and by frequently taking him
into his confidence, "but this country can take pretty good care of
itself. In Congress we representatives put the job of saving it over
on the Senate, and the Senate hands back the job to us. So what's
everybody's business isn't anybody's; a fine scheme so long as we have
a President who keeps his hands off and doesn't--"

"But how about the speeches and the bills?" broke in Randolph. "I
thought--"

"Yes, yes; to be sure," the Congressman quickly added. "Nearly all of
us introduce these so-called reform bills. When they're printed at
government expense we send copies, carried free by the Post-office
Department, to our constituents, and when we allow the bills to die in
some committee we can always blame the committee. But if there's a big
fight by our constituents over the bill we let it pass the House, but
arrange to kill it in the Senate. Then we do the same thing for the
Senators. Like in every other business, my boy," continued Norton as
he led the way into the house, "it's a case of 'you tickle me and I'll
tickle you' in politics. And don't let any one fool you about the
speeches either. They are pretty things to mail to the voters, but all
the wise boys in Washington know they aren't meant seriously. It's
all play acting, and there are better actors in the Senate than Henry
Irving or Edwin Booth ever were."

"I don't think my father looks at things in the way you do, Charlie."

"No? Well, maybe he doesn't now, but he will later on when he takes
his seat in the Senate. If he isn't wise enough to play around with
the rest of the Senators he won't get any bills passed, especially any
bill carrying an appropriation or of any other particular importance."

"What!" ejaculated the planter's son. "Do you mean to say that if
father won't do what the other Senators want him to do they will
combine against him and destroy his usefulness, make him powerless--a
failure?"

The Congressman smiled patronizingly on the youth. "Why, of course
they will. That's politics, practical politics, the only kind that's
known in Washington. You see--"

"But the leaders of the great parties!" cried the young plantation
manager, in amazement. "Why don't they prevent this?"

"Because they invented the system and because political party
differences don't amount to a whole lot much of the time in
Washington. The politicians do most of their criticizing of the other
party away from Washington, where the voters can hear them. But when
circumstances sometimes force a man to rise to assail the other side
in Congress he afterward apologizes in secret for his words. Or,
sometimes he apologizes beforehand, saying: 'I've got to hand out some
hot shot to you fellows just to please a crowd of sovereign voters
from my district who have come up to Washington to see me perform. So,
of course, I've got to make a showing; Don't mind what I say. You know
I don't mean it, but the old fogies will go back home and tell their
neighbors what a rip-snortin' reformer I be.'"

"Is that the way you represent your district; Norton?" asked Planter
Langdon, who at this juncture entered the room.

"No, no, Mr. Langdon--I should say Senator now, I suppose. I was
merely telling Randolph how some legislators conduct themselves."

The Senator-elect paused momentarily, gazing at the Congressman, who,
dark-visaged, tall, black-haired, broad-shouldered and athletic, was
visibly uneasy at having his conversation with Randolph overheard by
the father.

"No doubt it won't be all plain sailing in Washington for an
old-fashioned man like me, but I believe in the American people and
the men they send to Congress," slowly spoke the planter. "There's
Senator Stevens, for instance. He has always stood for the rights of
the people. I've read all his speeches. Just why he brought about my
election it is hard to tell, for I've been a planter all my life,
except when I fought under Beauregard. I feel that he did it out of
friendship, and I simply can't say how much I appreciate the honor. I
am indebted to you, too, Congressman."

Tactfully disclaiming any credit for his work, only Norton's
congressional training in repression enabled him to refrain from
smiling at Langdon's innocence, his belief in Stevens' sincerity and
his wonder over his election. Stevens, the keen, cold and resourceful,
who forced his officeholders to yield him parts of their government
salaries; Stevens, who marketed to railway companies his influence
with the Department of Justice; Stevens, who was a Republican in
the committee room in Washington and a Democrat on the platform
in Mississippi; Stevens, who had consummated the deal with Martin
Sanders, boss of seven counties, to elect Langdon because of the
planter's trustfulness and simplicity of character, which should make
him easy to influence and to handle in the all-important matter of the
gulf naval base project!

The entry of Carolina Langdon and her younger sister, Hope Georgia,
gave Norton a welcome opportunity to shift the trend of conversation.

"You ladies will have a gay time in Washington," he began, after
directing a particularly enthusiastic greeting to Carolina. "You will
be in great demand at all the big affairs, and I don't think you
will ever want to come back to old Mississippi, forty miles from a
railroad, with few chances to wear your New York gowns."

Carolina spoke quickly, her face flushing at the thought of the new
vista of life now opening. "Yes, I have always longed to be a part of
the real life of this world; the life of constant action--meeting
new people every day, and prominent people. Balls, receptions, teas,
theater parties, afternoon drives, plenty of money and plenty of
gayety are what I want. I'm not a bit like Hope Georgia, who thinks
these ideas are extravagant because she has not seen real life yet--"

"Carolina, you must not think me 'only your little sister' now. I have
seen life. Haven't I spent a week in Jackson?"

"That's enough proof. You know all about life, I'm sure, Miss Hope
Georgia," smilingly remarked Norton.

Later, rising to join Planter Langdon on the veranda, where he had
gone to smoke, the Congressman gazed intently at Carolina. "You will
probably forget your old friends when you enter the dizzy social race
in Washington."

"No, Charlie, I couldn't forget you, anyhow. You will be there, too. I
shall depend on you a great deal to take me about, unless you are too
busy making speeches and fighting your opponents."

Again it was Norton's turn to be inwardly amused at the political
ignorance of the Langdon family. Speeches? The first-term Congressman
doesn't make speeches in Washington, because no one cares what he
thinks--except the lobbyists, whose business it is to provide new
members with a complete set of thoughts. Neither does he have
opponents--he is not considered important enough by the veterans to be
opposed.

Skilfully approaching the subject which next to Carolina Langdon
had been uppermost in his mind during his visit, Norton asked the
Senator-elect on joining him if he did not believe that the entire
South would benefit if the plan to establish a naval base on the gulf
was successfully carried through.

"Most certainly I do, and, as I said during the senatorial fight, the
whole country as well will be the gainer," responded Langdon.

"Don't you think the people who want Altacoola chosen as the site have
the best arguments?" was the visitor's next question, the reply to
which he anxiously awaited.

"Yes, I do, from what I've already heard; but I haven't heard very
much of what the folks who advocate other sites have to say. So, until
I've heard all sides and made my own examination, I couldn't give
any one my final answer, but Altacoola seems to have the necessary
qualifications."

"Senator Stevens is in favor of Altacoola," eagerly suggested Norton.

"Yes, and that's a pretty good argument in its favor," responded
Langdon.

Norton now excused himself, pleading an appointment with a client at a
neighboring village. Waving farewell to Carolina and Hope Georgia,
who stood at a window, he rode away. "The old man is sure to be
all right," he muttered. "He leans toward Altacoola and believes in
Stevens. He'll lean some more until he falls over--into the trap.
There's a fortune in sight--within reach. Langdon has faith in his
friends. He won't suspect a thing."

Still another thought occurred to the Hon. Charles Norton. "Stevens
elected Langdon out of friendship," he chuckled, gleefully. "That will
be well worth telling in Washington."




CHAPTER II

THE WARS OF PEACE


"Big Bill" Langdon was the term by which the new Senator from
Mississippi had been affectionately known to his intimates for years.
He carried his 230 pounds with ease, bespeaking great muscular power
in spite of his gray hairs. His rugged courage, unswerving honesty and
ready belief in his friends won him a loyal following, some of whom
frequently repeated what was known as "Bill Langdon's Golden Rule":

"There never was a man yet who didn't have some good in him, but most
folks don't know this because their own virtues pop up and blind 'em
when they look at somebody else."

At the reunions of his old war comrades Langdon was always depended
on to describe once again how the Third Mississippi charged at
Crawfordsville and defeated the Eighth Illinois. But the stirring
events of the past had served to increase the planter's fondness for
his home life and his children, whose mother had died years before. At
times he regretted that his unexpected political duties would take him
away from the old plantation even though the enthusiastic approval of
Carolina and Hope Georgia proved considerable compensation.

Although not sworn in as Senator, Colonel Langdon's political duties
were already pressing. A few days after Congressman Norton's visit he
sat in his library conferring with several prominent citizens of his
county regarding a plan to ask Congress to appropriate money to dredge
a portion of the channel of the Pearl River, which would greatly aid a
large section of the State.

During the deliberations the name of Martin Sanders was announced by
Jackson, the Colonel's gravely decorous negro bodyguard, who boasted
that he "wuz brung up by Cunel Marse Langdon, suh, a fightin'
Mississippi cunel, suh, sence long befo' de wah and way befo' dat,
suh."

"Show Mr. Sanders right in," commanded Colonel Langdon.

"Good-day, Senator," spoke Sanders, the boss of seven counties, as he
entered. Glancing around the room, he continued, bending toward the
Colonel and muffling his now whispering voice with his hand: "I want
to speak to you alone. I'm here on politics."

"That's all right; but these gentlemen here are my friends and
constituents," was the reply in no uncertain voice. "When I talk
politics they have a perfect right to hear what I, as their Senator,
say. Out with it, Mr. Sanders."

As Sanders was introduced to the members of the conference he grew red
in the face and stared at Langdon, amazed. At last he had discovered
something new in politics. "Say," he finally blurted out, "when I talk
business I--"

"Are you in politics as a business?" quickly spoke Colonel Langdon.

"Why--I--er--no, of course not," the visitor stammered. "I am in
politics for my party's sake, just like everybody else," and Sanders
grinned suggestively at his questioner.

"Have you anything further to say?" asked Langdon, in a tone hinting
that he would like to be rid of his caller.

"Well, since you are so very new in this game, Senator, I'll talk
right out in meetin', as they call it. I came to ask about an
appointment an' to tip you off on a couple o' propositions. I want
Jim Hagley taken care of--you've heard of Jim--was clerk o' Fenimore
County. A $2,000 a year job'll do for him; $500 o' that he gives to
the organization."

"You're the organization, aren't you?" queried Langdon.

"Why, yes. Are you just gettin' wise?" cried Sanders. "Haven't I got
fellers, voters, VOTERS, VOTERS, d--n it, hangin' on to me that needs
to be taken care of! An' so I make the fellers that work help those
that don't. Why, Langdon, what'n h--l are you kickin' an' questioning'
about? Didn't you get my twelve votes in the Legislature? Did you have
a chance for Senator without 'em? Answer me that, will you? Why, with
'em you only had two more than needed to elect, an' the opposition
crowd was solid for Wilson," cried the angry boss, pounding the long
table before which Langdon sat.

"I'll answer you almighty quick," retorted the now thoroughly aroused
Senator-elect, rising and shaking his clenched fist at Sanders. "Those
twelve votes you say were yours--yours?"

"Yes, mine. Them noble legislators that cast 'em was an' is mine,
mine. I tell you, jest like I had 'em in my pocket, an' that's where I
mostly carry 'em, so as they won't go strayin' aroun' careless like."

"You didn't have to vote those men for me. I told you at the Capitol
that I would not make you or anybody else any promises. You voted them
for me of your own accord. That's my answer."

At this point the gentlemen of the county present when Sanders entered
and who had no desire to witness further the unpleasant episode, rose
to leave, in spite of the urgent request of Colonel Langdon that they
remain. The only one reluctant to go was Deacon Amos Smallwood, who,
coming to the plantation to seek employment for his son, had not been
denied of his desire to join the assemblage of his neighbors.

Last to move toward the door, he stopped in front of Sanders,
stretched his five feet three inches of stature on tiptoe, and shook a
withered fist in the boss' firmly set, determined face.

"Infamous!" shrieked the deacon. "You're a monster! You're
unrighteous! You should have belonged to the political machine of
Cataline or Pontius Pilate!"

"Never heard tell o' them," muttered Sanders, deeply puzzled. "Guess
they was never in Mississippi in my time."

His accompanying gesture of perplexity caused the deacon to hasten his
exit. Tripping over the leg of a chair, he fell headlong into the
arms of the watchful Jackson, who received the deacon's blessing for
"uplifting the righteous in the hour of their fall."

Relieved at the departure of the witnesses, Sanders showed increased
aggressiveness. "To be sure, Senator, you were careful not to
personally promise me anything for my support at the election, as you
say," the leader sneered; "but you had Jim Stevens to make promises
for you, which was smooth, absolute an' artistic smooth--"

"Stop, sir!" Langdon furiously shouted. "You forget, sir, that your
insinuation is an insult to a man elected Senator from Mississippi, an
insult to my State and to my friend Senator Stevens, who I know would
make you no promises for me, for he had not my authority."

"Certainly you're a Senator, but what's a Senator, anyhow? I'll tell
you, Mr. Colonel Langdon, a Senator is a man who holds out for his own
pocket as much as us fellows that make him will stand for. When we
don't get our rightful share, he's through."

With a sudden start, as though to spring at Sanders' throat, Langdon,
with compressed lips and eyes blazing, grasped the edge of the
table with a grip that threatened to rend the polished boards. With
intensest effort he slowly regained control of himself. His fury had
actually weakened him. His knees shook, and he sank weakly into a
chair. When he finally spoke his voice was strained and laborious.
"Sanders, you and I, sir, must never meet again, because I might not
succeed in keeping my hands off you. What would my old comrades of the
Third Mississippi say if they saw me sitting here and you there with
a whole body, sir, after what you have said? They would not believe
their eyes, thank God, sir. They would all go over to Stuart City and
buy new glasses, sir." A suspicious moisture appeared on the Colonel's
cheeks which he could not dry too quickly to escape Sanders'
observation.

"But I had to let you stay, sir, because you, the sole accuser, are
the only one who can tell me what I must know."

"What do you want to know?" asked Sanders, who had realized his great
mistake in losing his temper, in talking as openly and as violently
as he had and in dragging the name of Senator Stevens into the
controversy. He must try to keep Stevens from hearing of this day's
blunder, for Jim Stevens knew as well as he, didn't he, that the man
who loses his temper, like the man who talks too much, is of no use in
politics.

"I want to know how you formed your opinion of political matters--of
Senators. Is it possible, sir, that you have actual knowledge of
actual happenings that give you the right to talk as you have? I want
to know if I must feel shame, feel disgrace, sir, to be a Senator from
Mississippi; that State, sir, that the Almighty himself, sir, would
choose to live in if he came to earth."

"There, there, Senator, don't take too seriously what I have said,"
Sanders replied in reassuring tone, having outlined his course of
action. "I lost my head because you wouldn't promise me something I
needed--that appointment for Hagley. What I said about Senators an'
such was all wild words--nothin' in 'em. Why, how could there be,
Senator?" This query was a happy afterthought which Sanders craftily
suggested in a designedly artless manner.

"Just what I thought and know!" exclaimed Langdon, sharply. "It
couldn't be; it isn't possible. Now you go, sir, and let it be your
greatest disgrace that you are not fit to enter any gentleman's
house."

"Oh, don't rub it in too hard, Senator. You may need my help some day,
but you'll have to deliver the goods beforehand."

"I said, 'Go!'"

"I'm goin', but here's a tip. Don't blame me for fightin' you. I've
got to fight to live. I'm a human bein', an' humans are pretty much
the same all over the world; all except you--you're only half natural.
The rest of you is reformer."

After Sanders' departure the Colonel sat at his table, his head
resting in his hand, the events of the day crowding his brain
bewilderingly.

"The battles of peace are worse than any Beauregard ever led me into,"
he murmured. "Fighting o conquer oneself is harder than turning the
left flank of the Eighth Illinois in an enfilading fire."

But the new Senator from Mississippi did not know that for him the
wars of peace had only just begun, that perhaps his own flesh and
blood and that of the wife and mother who had gone before would turn
traitor to his colors in the very thickest of the fray.




CHAPTER III

HOW TO PLEASE A SENATOR


The International Hotel in Washington was all hustle and bustle. Was
it not preparing for its first Senator since 1885? No less a personage
than the Hon. William H. Langdon of Mississippi, said to be a warm
personal friend of Senator Stevens, one of the leading members of his
party at the capital, had engaged a suit of rooms for himself and two
daughters.

"Ain't it the limit?" remarked the chief clerk to Bud Haines,
correspondent of the New York _Star_. "The Senator wrote us that he
was coming here because his old friend, the late Senator Moseley, said
back in '75 that this was the best hotel in Washington and where all
the prominent men ought to stay."

Haines, the ablest political reporter in Washington, had come to the
International to interview the new Senator, to describe for his paper
what kind of a citizen Langdon was. He glanced around at the dingy
woodwork, the worn cushions, the nicked and uneven tiles of the hotel
lobby, and smiled at the clerk. "Well, if this is the new Senator's
idea of princely luxury he will fit right into the senatorial
atmosphere." Both laughed derisively. "By the way," added Haines, "I
suppose you'll raise your rates now that you've got a Senator here."

The clerk brought his fist down on the register with a thud.

"We could have them every day if we wanted them. This fellow, though,
we'll have all winter, I guess. His son's here now. Been breaking all
records for drinking. Congressman Norton of Mississippi has been down
here with him a few times. There young Langdon is now."

Haines turned quickly, just in time to bump into a tall, slender young
man, who was walking unevenly in the direction of the cafe.

"Well, can't you see what you're doing?" muttered the tall young man
thickly.

Haines smiled. The chap who has played halfback four years on his
college eleven and held the boxing championship in his class is apt
to be good-natured. He does not have to take offense easily. Besides,
Randolph Langdon was plainly under the influence of whisky. So Haines
smiled pleasantly at the taller young man.

"Beg your pardon--my fault," Haines said.

"Well, don't let it occur again," mumbled Langdon, as he strolled with
uneven dignity toward the door. Bud Haines laughed.

"I guess young Langdon is going to be one of the boys, isn't he?"

"He's already one of them when it comes to a question of fluid
capacity," laughed some one behind him, and Bud whirled to meet the
gaze of his friend, Dick Gullen, representative of one of the big
Chicago dailies.

"You down here to see Langdon, too?" commented Bud.

Cullen nodded. "Queer roost where this Senator is to hang out, isn't
it?"

"He can't be a rich one, then," suggested Haines.

Cullen chuckled.

"Perhaps he's an honest one."

"I hadn't thought of that. You always were original, Dickie,"
commented Haines, dryly. "By the way, what do you know about him?"

"Nothing, except that the _Evening Call_ printed a picture of his
eldest daughter--says she's the queen daughter of the South, a famous
beauty, rich planter for a father, mother left her a fortune--"

"She'll cut quite a social caper with this hotel's name on her cards,
won't she?" broke in Haines, as he led Cullen to a seat to await the
expected legislator, whose train was late.

"I don't know very much about him myself," said Haines. "All I've been
able to discover is that Stevens said the word which elected him, and
that looks bad. Great glory! When I think what a Senator of the
right sort has a chance to do here in Washington--a nonpartisan,
straight-out-from-the-shoulder man!" He paused to shako his head in
disgust. "You know these fellows here in the Senate don't even see
their chance. Why, if you and I didn't do any more to hold our jobs
than they do, we'd be fired by wire the first day. They know just the
old political game, that's all."

"Its a great game, though, Bud," sighed Cullen, longingly, for, like
many newspaper men, he had the secret feeling that he was cut out to
be a great politician.

"Sure, it's a great game, as a game," agreed Haines. "So is bridge,
and stud poker, and three-card monte, and flim-flam generally. Take
this new man Langdon, for instance. Chosen by Stevens, he'll probably
be perfectly obedient, perfectly easy going, perfectly blind
and--perfectly useless. What's wanted now is to get the work done, not
play the game."

Thoroughly a cynic through his years of experience as a newspaper man,
which had shown the inside workings of many important phases of the
seemingly conventional life of this complex world, Cullen pretended
unbounded enthusiasm.

"Hear! hear!" he shouted. "All you earnest citizens come vote for
Reformer Haines. I'm for you, Bud. What do I get in your cabinet? I've
joined the reformers, too, and, like all of them, me for P-U-R-I-T-Y
as long as she gives me a meal ticket."

But not even Cullen could make Haines consider his views on the
necessity of political regeneration to be ridiculous. His optimism
could not be snuffed out, for he was a genuine believer that the
natural tendency of humankind was to do right. Wrong he believed to
be the outcome of unnatural causes. This quality, combined with
his practical knowledge of the world and his courage, made him a
formidable man, one who would one day accomplish big things--if he got
the chance.

"You know you can't shut me up, Dick," was his response to Cullen's
oratorical flight. "I'm going to have my say. I don't see why a
Senator shouldn't be honest. All I want them to do is to play a new
game. Let 'em at least seem to be honest, attend to their business,
forget politics. The country sends them here to work, and if they do
the work the people really don't care a hang what party they belong
to."

"Come out of it, Bud. Your brain is wabbly," yawned Cullen, wearily.
"I'll buy a drink if you'll quiet down. Let's be comfortable till this
fellow Langdon appears." He caught his friend by the arm and in spite
of protest dragged him off to the cafe just as young Langdon and
Congressman Norton came down through the lobby.

Though but few years older than Randolph Langdon, Charles Norton
had long exercised strong influence over him because of his wider
experience in the world's affairs. Like his father, young Langdon had
stayed close to the plantation most of his life, particularly after
leaving school, devoting his attention to studying the business of
conducting the family's big estate. Norton brought him the atmosphere
of the big outside world he yearned to see even as did his sister
Carolina, and he imitated Norton's manners, his dress and mode of
speech. The Congressman's habit of confiding in Randolph, a subtle
compliment, was deeply appreciated by the lad, who unconsciously
became a continual advertiser of Norton's many virtues to Carolina and
to his father, all of which the Congressman knew.

That Norton's political career was the outcome of Carolina Langdon's
ambition to shine in gay society was known to his friends as well as
his family, and his desire to win her and place her where she could
satisfy every whim had developed almost to a frenzy. Seeing evidences
of Senator Stevens' vast influence, he did not hesitate to seek a
close relationship with him, and the Senator was clever enough to lead
Norton to consider him his friend.

At the start of his political career Norton had higher ideas of honor
than guided his actions now that he had become a part of the political
machine that controlled his native State of Mississippi, and of the
bipartisan combination that dominated both houses of Congress in the
interest of the great railway and industrial corporations. Senator
Stevens and other powers had so distorted Norton's view of the
difference between public and private interests and their respective
rights that he had come to believe captial to be the sacred heritage
of the nation which must be protected at any cost. The acceptance of
a retainer from the C. St. and P. Railroad Company for wholly
unnecessary services in Washington--only another way of buying a
man--a transaction arranged by Senator Stevens, was but another stage
in the disintegration of the young Congressman's character, but it
brought him just that much closer to the point where he could claim
Carolina Langdon as his own. And opportunity does not knock twice at a
man's door--unless he is at the head of the machine.

Norton, the persevering young law student who loved the girl who had
been his boyhood playmate, was now Norton who coveted her father's
lands, who boasted that he was on the "inside" in Washington, who was
on the way to fortune--if the new Senator from Mississippi would or
could be forced to stand in favor of the Altacoola naval base.

His conversation with Randolph Langdon, as Haines and Cullen saw them
pass through the hotel lobby, illustrated the nature of the Norton of
the present and his interest in the Altacoola scheme.

"There's no reason why you shouldn't come in on the ground floor in
this proposition, Randolph," he was urging in continuance of the
conversation begun over a table in the cafe. "No reason why you
shouldn't do it, my boy. Why, are you still a child, or are you really
a man? You have now drafts for $50,000, haven't you?"

"Yeah," agreed Langdon, chagrined at Norton's insinuation of
youthfulness and anxious to prove that he was really a man of affairs,
"I've got the fifty thousand, Charlie, but--but, you see, that's the
money for improvements on the plantation. As father has put me in as
manager I want to make a showing."

"You can't make it until spring," urged Norton. "The money's got to
lie in the bank all winter. Now, why don't you make a hundred thousand
with it instead of letting it lie idle? Isn't that simple?"

The younger man's eyes opened wide, and his imagination, stimulated by
the special brand of Bourbon whisky Norton had ordered for him, took
rapid bounds.

"One hundred thousand! You mean I could make a hundred thousand with
my fifty between now and spring?"

"Sure as a nigger likes gin," replied Norton, confidently.

"How?" asked Langdon.

The young Congressman leaned over confidentially.

"This is under your hat, Randolph. You can keep quiet?"

Langdon nodded eagerly.

"Then put it into Altacoola land."

"The naval base?" gasped Langdon.

Norton nodded.

"Now you've hit it. The Government will select Altacoola for a naval
base. Then land will jump 'way up to never, and you'll clean up a
hundred thousand at the least. Isn't it simple? There are, a thousand
people with money who would just love to have this chance. And I'm
giving it to you because of our friendship. I want to do you a good
turn. I've got my money in there."

Young Langdon was visibly impressed.

"You've always--treated me right, Charlie; you've been for me, I know.
But suppose the Government doesn't select Altacoola. Gulf City's in
the running."

Norton laughed sarcastically.

"Gulf City is a big bunch of mud flats. Besides, I'll tell you
something else. Just between us, remember." He waited for the boy's
eager nod before he went on. "The big men are behind Altacoola.
Standard Steel wants Altacoola, and what Standard Steel wants from
Congress you can bet your bottom dollar Standard Steel gets. They know
their business at No. 10 Broadway. Now, then, are you satisfied?"

Randolph was more than satisfied. Already he felt himself rich, and
honestly rich, too, for Norton had convinced him that there was no
reason why he should not use the $50,000 of his father's, when it had
to lie in the bank anyhow all winter, and he would have it back in
time to use on the plantation in the spring when it was needed. How
proud of him his father would be when he showed him a clear profit of
$100,000!

"I'll go get the drafts at once, Charlie, and I'm mighty much obliged
to you," he said, with gratitude in his voice.

Norton's smile was one of deep satisfaction.

"That's all right, Randolph. You know I want to do anything I can for
you."

Randolph was starting for his room when Haines and Cullen turned
sharply around the corner of the hotel desk. Again Bud and the young
Southerner accidentally collided.

"Where are you going? Can't you look out?" blurted Langdon.

Haines grinned.

"Guess it's your fault this time."

"Oh, it is, is it?" irritably replied Randolph, who as the "young
marse" had been accustomed to considerable deference on the
plantation. "Well, take that," he angrily cried, aiming a savage swing
at Haines.

The reporter's athletic training proved of ready service. Dodging
under the clenched fist, he turned dexterously, seized young Langdon's
outstretched wrist and bent the arm down over his (Haines') shoulder
as though to throw the young attacker with the wrestler's "flying
mare." Langdon was helpless, as Haines had also secured his free hand,
but instead of completing the "throw" the reporter walked away with
his foe held securely on his back--to put him to bed, a kindly
service, in view of Randolph's mental state.

From across the lobby Charles Norton had watched Randolph's
discomfiting encounter with Haines with amusement.

"Now that I've got the young fellow to sew up his old man's money in
Altacoola land," he chuckled, "reckon Senator William H. Langdon won't
see anything wrong with that same noble tract of universe when he
comes to vote for the naval base. Senator Stevens will be pleased."




CHAPTER IV

"JUST THE MAN WE NEED"


As Bud Haines returned from young Langdon's room, where he had left
the latter in bed, with a towel filled with cracked ice around his
head, he saw two familiar figures standing in a secluded corner of the
lobby. They were talking earnestly in a low voice.

"Whew!" whistled the newspaper man. "It must be something important
that brings both the boss of the Senate and Stevens of Mississippi
here."

"Good-afternoon, Haines. How are you?" Senator Stevens said,
cordially, as, looking up, he saw the newspaper man approaching.
"Senator Peabody, you know Haines, don't you? The brightest young
correspondent in Washington."

Senator Peabody of Pennsylvania, the leading power in the upper house,
was a man of commanding character and of strong personality. The
fact he used these attributes to advance in the Senate the financial
interests of himself, of Standard Steel and other commercial
organizations met with very little protest in Washington. That he
deserved the title frequently used in referring to him, "boss of the
Senate," none would deny who had knowledge of the inner workings of
the Senate and the various committees.

Senator Peabody was very affable to the reporters, especially to those
of Haines' stamp, who had never accepted any favors from him and who
opposed his methods. He aimed to win the friendship of these opponents
by diplomacy--as he had found that reporters of the Haines sort could
not be influenced by money. He considered a reporter who would take
a bribe as a constructive, conservative member of society, and
frequently regretted that so many of the correspondents sent to
Washington could not be bought nor had bills they wanted passed or
defeated. He extended his hand to Haines as Stevens concluded and
said, warmly:

"Of course I know the representative of the _Morning Star_! How do you
do, Haines?"

"I wonder if we're not all here on the same errand," suggested the
newspaper man.

Senator Peabody appeared to be all candor.

"We came to call on Senator Langdon, Senator Stevens' new colleague,"
he said.

Bud Haines opened his eyes wide. "By Jove! Langdon stock is going up
when the chairman of the naval committee drops in to welcome him."

"You see, Langdon went in on a naval base platform," explained
Stevens. "Our section of the South is red hot in favor of the
Government spending its naval base appropriation right there."

"Certainly," interrupted Haines, "but--"

"And, there being a vacancy on the committee on naval affairs,"
continued Stevens, whose dignity was offended by the reporter's
interruption, "the friends of Senator Langdon are working to have him
appointed on that committee, because he comes from the State where the
naval base will be located and will, like myself, be more familiar
with the availability of the various sites suggested than a man from
another State."

Haines nodded.

"Yes, of course. What town's going to get it, Senator?"

Senator Stevens paused judiciously.

"Well," he said, "Altacoola and Gulf City are the chief candidates. I
suppose you had better talk to Langdon about it."

The reporter smiled.

"That's just what I came for, Senator, but I have to go up to the War
Department now. When Senator Langdon comes will you be kind enough to
tell him I want to interview him?"

Stevens bowed cordially.

"Indeed I shall. I'll tell him he's in luck to have the smartest young
man in Washington on the job."

"All right," laughed Bud, "only don't make it so strong that he won't
recognize me when he sees me. Good-day." And he hurried away to keep a
belated appointment.

"Clever boy," said Stevens as the newspaper man disappeared.

The boss of the Senate agreed.

"Yes, only I'm not sure it's a good thing for a newspaper man to be
too clever. Spoils his usefulness. Makes him ask too many confounded
questions."

Stevens acquiesced, for it would never do to disagree with the boss.

"It's very kind of you, Senator," he began, changing the subject, "to
come with me to welcome the new Senator from my State, my old friend
and colleague."

An inscrutable smile--a smile, yet a cold one--accompanied Peabody's
answer.

"I have always found, Stevens," he said, "that a little attention
like this to a new man is never wasted, and I make it a rule not to
overlook opportunities."

Again the senior Senator from Mississippi acquiesced, and he laughed
heartily at Peabody's keen insight into human nature.

"I think you'll like Langdon," Stevens remarked after a pause, "and
you'll find him easy to deal with. Just put up any measure for the
benefit of the South and Langdon will go the limit on it. Even a
Republican majority doesn't mind a little Democratic support, you
know. I think he's just the man you can use in this gulf naval base
bill."

"You can swing him?" asked Peabody, sharply.

Stevens drew closer to Peabody.

"I elected him, and he knows it," he chuckled.

The boss nodded.

"And it's likely that a man like Langdon, new to politics--a simple
gentleman of the old school, as you describe him--might have
considerable influence on opinion throughout the country."

Langdon's colleague grasped the arm of the senatorial dictator.

"He's just the man we want, Senator. He's one of those old fellows you
just have to believe when he talks. He'll do what I suggest, and he
can make the public believe what we think."

"Then you guarantee him?" snapped the boss.

"Unreservedly, Senator."

"All right," said Peabody. "He goes on the naval committee. That ought
to be enough honor for a man who a year ago was growing cotton on an
old plantation miles away from civilization."

"We have control now of all the land about Altacoola that can be
used," said Stevens. "I have had Norton, the Congressman from
Langdon's district, working on it. There isn't a foot of land there
which we do not now control under options, and," he added, with a
chuckle, "the options were dirt cheap."

Peabody grunted approvingly.

"There won't be any New York fortune in it, but it ought to be
a pretty tidy bit," he said. "Now, if we could only get Langdon
interested, directly or indirectly, in a financial way, that would
clinch everything."

The senior Senator from Mississippi shook his head.

"It's too risky. He's old-fashioned, you know--has about as much idea
about practical politics as--well, as we have of the Golden Rule. Fact
is, he rather lives by that antiquated standard. That's where we get
him. He owes everything to me, you see, so naturally he'll do anything
I want him to. By the way, there's Norton now. Perhaps he can tell us
something."

"Call him over," said Peabody.

Norton had been strolling about the lobby, hoping to be noticed. The
flame had lured the moth, and it liked the manner of the singeing. The
Congressman hurried precipitately across at Stevens' summons.

"I've been wanting to speak to you, gentlemen," said Norton, full of
the good trick he had turned, "but I didn't like to interrupt you. I
think I've done a big stroke for Altacoola to-day."

Even Peabody pricked up his ears.

"Yes?" said both Senators together.

With a keen sense of the dramatic, the Congressman let his next words
drawl out with full effect.

"I've got Senator Langdon interested--financially interested," he
said.

His two hearers exchanged a significant glance.

"How?" asked Peabody, sharply.

Norton smiled shrewdly.

"Well, I just let his son invest $50,000 of the Senator's money in
Altacoola land. That ought to help some."

Stevens stared in amazement at his Congressman, his eyes threatening
to bulge out of his head.

"What!" he gasped. "You got Langdon's money in Altacoola, through his
son?"

"I sure have, Senator," chuckled Norton. "He's in to the extent of
fifty thousand, and I've promised that the fifty shall make a hundred
by spring."

"It'll make three hundred thousand at least," snapped Peabody.
"Norton, you've done a good day's work. By the way, a New York client
of mine has a little business that I cannot attend to handily. Doesn't
involve much work, and a young, hustling lawyer like you ought to take
charge of it easily. The fee, I should say, would be about $10,000.
Have you the time to undertake it?"

The Congressman drew a long breath. His eyes beamed with gratitude.

"I should say I have, Senator. Of course, it won't interfere with any
of my duties as a Congressman."

Peabody smiled.

"Of course not, Norton. I see that your sense of humor is improving.
If convenient, run over to New York the last of the week. I'll give
you a card. My client's office is at 10 Broadway."

The ruler of the Senate nodded a curt dismissal.

"Thank you, Senator; thank you very much." And Norton bowed and left,
rejoicing.

Peabody turned to Stevens.

"You see, even a Congressman can be useful sometimes," remarked
Stevens, dryly.

"Keep your eye on that young man, Stevens. He's the most valuable
Congressman we've had from your State in a long while. Does just what
he is told and doesn't ask any fool questions. This was good work.
Langdon's on the naval committee now sure. Come, Stevens; let's go to
some quiet corner in the smoking-room. I want to talk to you about
something else the Standard has on hand for you to do."

Hardly had they departed from the lobby when resounding commotion at
the entrance, followed by the rushing of porters and bellboys and
an expectant pose on the part of the clerk, indicated that the new
Senator from Mississippi had arrived.




CHAPTER V

THE BOSS OF THE SENATE INSPECTS A NEW MEMBER


An actor playing the role of a high type of Southern planter would
score a decided success by picturing the character exactly after the
fashion of Senator William H. Langdon as he strode to the desk of the
International Hotel. A wide-brimmed black hat thrust back on his head,
a long black perfecto in his mouth, coattails spreading out behind as
he walked, and the "Big Hill" Langdon smile on his face that carried
sunshine and good will wherever he went, he was good to look on, an
inspiration, particularly in Washington.

Following the Senator were Miss Langdon and Hope Georgia, leading a
retinue of hotel attendants staggering under a large assortment of
luggage. Both beautiful girls, they caused a sensation all of their
own. Carolina, a different type from the younger, had an austere
loveliness denoting pride and birth, a brunette of the quality that
has contributed so much to the fame of Southern women. Hope Georgia,
more girlish, and a vivacious blonde, was the especial pet of her
father, and usually succeeded in doing with him what she chose.

A real Senator and two such young women handsomely gowned seemed to
take the old hotel back a score of years--back to the times when such
sights were of daily occurrence. The ancient greatness of the now
dingy International lived again.

"How are you, Senator? Glad to welcome you, sir," was the clerk's
greeting.

The genial Senator held out his hand. Everybody was his friend.

"Glad to meet you, sir; glad to meet you," he exclaimed. "Must make
you acquainted with my daughters. This is Miss Carolina Langdon, this
Miss Hope Georgia Langdon."

The two girls, with their father's idea of courtesy, shook hands with
the clerk, who was not at all taken aback by the unexpected honor.

Hope Georgia was thoroughly delighted with everything, but Carolina
looked at the worn and faded walls and furnishings with evident
distaste.

"Oh, this is Washington," murmured Hope Georgia ecstatically, clasping
her hands and gazing at a vista of artificial palms in a corridor.

"Ah, this is Washington," sighed the new Senator contentedly, as he
gazed across a hall at the biggest and most gorgeous cigar stand he
had ever seen or ever hoped to see--the only new thing added to the
hotel since Grant was President.

"Truly magnificent establishment you have here, sir; magnificent!" he
exclaimed as an imitation marble column came within his purview. "I
remember my friend Senator Moseley speaking to me of it thirty years
ago. Are our rooms ready?"

The clerk, hugely pleased, hastened to assure him that everything was
in first-class order, waiting.

"You better go up, girls, while I look around a bit and sort of get
the hang of things."

"Yes, I think we had better look around a bit, too, before we decide,
father," said Carolina, diplomatically.

Her father patted her affectionately on the arm.

"Now, don't you worry, Carolina. I see you think this place too
expensive from its looks--too good for us. But I tell you the best,
even this, isn't too good for you girls and your dad. Run away, and
I'll come up and see you soon."

The new Senator leaned his elbow on the desk, surveying the place.

"I understand this is a favorite haunt for the big men of Washington,"
he said.

The clerk eagerly agreed.

"Yes, indeed, Senator; we have them all. Senator Peabody and Senator
Stevens were here just a moment ago. Boy, find Senator Peabody and
Senator Stevens and tell them Senator Langdon is here."

The two Senators came quickly.

"I'm glad to see you, Langdon; glad to see you," exclaimed Stevens,
with an assumption of effusiveness. "I want to introduce you to
Senator Peabody of Pennsylvania."

Peabody bowed, and Langdon held out his hand.

"I'm delighted to meet you, Senator. This is a proud day for me, sir."

Peabody had put on his smoothest and most polished manner.

"I came especially to meet you, Senator Langdon," he said. "Although
we are on different sides we may be interested in the same things. I
hope we shall see a great deal of each other."

Langdon chuckled.

"That's mighty good of you, Senator. I'm depending on you experienced
fellows to put me through. Don't know much about this lawmaking
business, you know. Raising cotton, arguing the Government and bossing
niggers have been about the extent of my occupation for the last forty
years, so I reckon I'm not much of a practical lawmaker."

"Oh, you'll learn; you'll learn quickly," assured Peabody. "With
Stevens, here, for a guide you can't go wrong. We all look up to
Stevens. He's one of the powers on your side. He's an able man, is
Stevens."

The new Senator from Mississippi gladly corroborated this.

"You're right, sir. A great man! I tell you, when he told that
Legislature what they ought to do, Senator Peabody, they did it. If it
wasn't for Stevens I wouldn't be here now."

In mock protest the senior Senator from Mississippi raised his hands.

"Now, now, Langdon, don't say that. Your worth, your integrity, your
character and our old friendship got you the senatorship."

The old planter laughed gleefully.

"Sure, Stevens, I have the character and the integrity, but I reckon
the character and integrity wouldn't have done much business if you
hadn't had the Legislature."

Clearly delighted, Peabody considered it certain that this new Senator
knew just the way he should go and would cause no difficulty. His
keen sense of gratitude made him appreciate how he had been elected.
Peabody literally beamed on Langdon.

"I hope we shall be able to work a good deal together, Senator," he
said. "I have the interests of the South at heart, particularly with
regard to this new naval base. Perhaps we may be able to get you on
the naval committee."

"Me!" laughed Langdon. "Well, that would be going strong! But I tell
you I'm for the naval base."

"For Altacoola?" suggested Stevens.

Langdon hesitated. Peabody and Stevens watched him as eagles watch
their prey from the mountain crag.

"Well, it looks to me like Altacoola ought to be a fine site. But the
actual place isn't so important to me. I tell you, gentlemen," he said
in impressive seriousness that rang with sturdy American manhood--"I
tell you that what is important is that the great, sweeping curve of
the gulf shall hold some of those white ships of ours to watch over
the Indies and the canal and to keep an eye on South America.

"And right there on our own Southern coast I want these ships built
and equipped and the guns cast and the men found to man them. I want
the South to have her part in the nation's defense. I want her to have
this great naval city as the living proof that there is again just
one country--the United States--and the North and the South both have
forgiven."

Senator Peabody clapped the new member on the back.

"Good!" he exclaimed. "You've got to make some speeches like that.
We'll have you as the orator for the naval base."

Langdon's eyes opened wide.

"Orator!" he gasped. "Me! An orator!"

"Why, that was oratory, good oratory," exclaimed Stevens, with
enthusiasm.

"Huh!" grunted the planter. "You call that oratory. Why, that was only
the truth."

"We'll see that you do some more of it, then," laughed Peabody.
"Remember, we count on you for the naval base."

"For rural simplicity he's perfection," whispered Peabody to Stevens
as they left the planter. "He's a living picture of innocence. We'll
push him forward and let him do the talking for the naval affairs
committee. Hiding behind him, we could put through almost any kind of
a proposition."

Once more did the senior Senator from Mississippi acquiesce.




CHAPTER VI

NEW FRIENDS--AND AN OLD ENEMY


Langdon gazed at the two departing Senators with varied emotions. He
sat down to think over what they had said and to carefully consider
what manner of man was Peabody, who showed such an interest in him. He
realized that he would have considerable intercourse with Peabody in
the processes of legislation, and finally had to admit to himself
that he did not like the Senator from Pennsylvania. Just what it was
Langdon could not at this time make certain, but he was mystified by
traces of contradictions in the Senator's character--slight traces,
true, but traces nevertheless. Peabody's cordiality and sympathy were
to Langdon's mind partly genuine and partly false. Just what was the
cause of or the necessity for the alloy in the true metal he could not
fathom.

His talk with these famous lawmakers was unsatisfactory also in that
it had conveyed to Langdon the suggestion that the Senate was not
primarily a great forum for the general and active consideration of
weighty measures and of national policies. It had been his idea that
the Senate was primarily such a forum, but the attitude of Peabody
and Stevens had hinted to him that there were matters of individual
interest that outweighed public or national considerations. For
instance, they were anxious that Altacoola should have the naval base
regardless of the claims or merits of any other section. That was
unusual, puzzling to Langdon. Moreover, it was poor business, yet
there were able business men in the Senate. Not one of them would,
for instance, think of buying a site for a factory until he had
investigated many possible locations and then selected the most
favorable one. Why was it, he pondered, that the business of the great
United States of America was not conducted on business lines?

He must study the whole question intelligently; that was imperative.
He must have advice, help. To whom was he to go for it? Stevens? Yes,
his old friend, who knew all "the ropes." Yet even Stevens seemed
different in Washington than Stevens in Mississippi. Here he played
"second fiddle." He was even obsequious, Langdon had observed, to
Peabody. In Mississippi he was a leader, and a strong one, too. But
Senator Langdon had not yet learned of the many founts from which
political strength and political leadership may be gained.

What he finally decided on was the engaging of a secretary, but he
must be one with knowledge of political operations, one who combined
wisdom with honesty. Such an aid could prevent Langdon from making the
many mistakes that invariably mark the new man in politics, and he
could point out the most effective modes of procedure under given
circumstances. It might prove difficult to find a man of the necessary
qualifications who was not already employed, but in the meantime
Langdon would watch the playing of the game himself and make his own
deductions as best he could.

The Senator started toward the hotel desk to ask regarding the
whereabouts of his son Randolph, when his attention was caught by the
sight of three powerful negro porters endeavoring to thrust outdoors
a threadbare old man. The victim's flowing white hair, white mustache
and military bearing received short shrift.

"Come along, Colonel! Yo' can't sit heah all day. Them chairs is for
the guests in the hotel," the head porter was urging as he jerked the
old man toward the door.

The Mississippian's fighting blood was instantly aroused at such
treatment of a respectable old white man by negroes. His lips tightly
compressed as he hurried to the rescue. He cried sharply:

"Take your hands off that gentleman! What do you mean by touching a
friend of mine?"

The negroes stepped back amazed.

"'Scuse me, Senator, is this gent'man a friend of yours?" the head
porter gasped apologetically.

Langdon looked at him.

"You heard what I said," he drawled in the slow way natural to some
men of the South when trouble threatens. "I'd like to have you down in
Mississippi for about ten minutes."

The head porter turned quickly on his assistants and drove them away,
shouting at the top of his voice:

"Get about yo' wuk. How dare yo' intehfere wid a friend of de
Senator's? I'll teach yo' to be putting yoh nose in where it ain't got
no business."

The old man, astonished at the turn of events, came forward
hesitatingly to Langdon.

"I'm very much obliged to you, sir," he said. "I'm Colonel Stoneman,
an old soldier."

The Mississippian stretched forth his hand.

"My name is Langdon, sir--Senator Langdon of Mississippi. I am an old
soldier, too."

"Delighted, Senator," exclaimed the seedy-looking old man, taking the
offered hand gratefully.

Langdon's easy method of making friends was well illustrated as he
clapped his new companion on the back. Everybody he met was the
Mississippian's friend until he had proved himself the contrary. That
had been his rule through life.

"Come right over, Colonel; have a cigar, sir." Then, as they lighted
their cigars, he inquired, "What army corps were you with, Colonel?"

"I was under Grant along the Tennessee," replied the old G.A.R. man.

Familiarity with a Senator was something new for him, and already he
was straightening up and becoming more of a man every moment. Langdon
was thoroughly interested.

"I was along the Tennessee under Beauregard," he said.

"Great generals, sir! Great generals!" exclaimed Colonel Stoneman.

"And great fighting, I reckon!" echoed the Confederate. "You remember
the battle of Crawfordsville?"

The old Federal smiled with joyous recollection.

"Do I? Well, I should say I did! Were you there, Senator?"

"Was I there? Why, I remember every shot that was fired. I was under
Kirby, who turned your left wing."

The attitude of the Northern soldier changed instantly. He drew
himself up with cold dignity. Plainly he felt that he had the honor of
his army to sustain.

"Our left wing was never turned, sir!" he exclaimed with dignity.

Langdon stared at him with amazement. This was a point of view the
Confederate had never heard before.

"Never turned!" he gasped. "Don't tell me that! I was there, and,
besides, I've fought this battle on an average of twice a week ever
since '65 down in Mississippi, and in all these years I never heard
such a foolish statement."

"What rank were you, sir?" asked the Union soldier, haughtily.

"I was a captain that morning," confessed the Southerner.

His old enemy smiled with superiority.

"As a colonel I've probably got more accurate information," he said.

"I was a colonel that evening," came the dry retort.

"But in an inferior army. We licked you, sir!" cried Stoneman, hotly.

The Mississippian drew himself up with all the dignity common to the
old Confederate soldier explaining the war.

"The South was never whipped, sir. We honorably surrendered, sir. We
surrendered to save the country, sir, but we were never whipped."

"Did you not run at Kenyon Hill?" taunted Stoneman.

Langdon brought down his fist in the palm of the other hand violently.

"Yes, sir; we ran at you. I ought to remember. I got my wound there.
You remember that long lane--" He pulled off his hat and threw it on
the floor, indicating it with one hand--"Here was the Second Alabama."

The hat of the old Federal dropped on the floor opposite the hat of
the Confederate.

"And here the Eighth Illinois," exclaimed Stoneman.

Langdon excitedly seized a diminutive bellboy passing by and planted
him alongside his hat.

"Stay there a moment, sonny," he cried. "You are the Fourth Virginia."

The newspaper Stoneman was carrying came down opposite the startled
bellboy, who was trying not to appear frightened.

"This is the clump of cedars," he exclaimed.

Both, in their eagerness, were bending down over their improvised
battle plan, their heads close together.

"And here a farmhouse beside your cedars," cried Langdon.

"That's where the rebels charged us," echoed the Union man.

Langdon brought down his fist again with emphatic gesture.

"You bet we charged you! The Third Mississippi charged you! I charged
you, sir!"

Stoneman nodded.

"I remember a young fool of a Johnnie reb dashing up the hill fifty
yards ahead of his men, waving his sword and yelling like a wild
Indian."

The Southerner straightened up.

"Well, where in thunderation would you expect me to be, sir?" he
exclaimed. "Behind them? I got my wound there. Laid me up for three
months; like to have killed me."

Then a new idea struck him. "Why, Colonel, it must have been a bullet
from one of your men--from your regiment, sir!"

The old Northerner pushed his fingers through his hair and shook his
head apologetically.

"Why, Senator, I'm afraid it was," he hesitated.

Langdon's eyes were big with the afterglow of a fighter discussing the
mighty struggles of the past, those most precious of all the jewels in
the treasure store of a soldier's memory.

"Why, it might have been a bullet fired by you, sir," he cried. "It
might be that you were the man who almost killed me. Why, confound
you, sir, I'm glad to meet you!"

Each old veteran of tragic days gone by had quite unconsciously
awakened a responsive chord in the heart of the other. A Senator and
a penniless old "down and outer" are very much the same in the human
scale that takes note of the inside and not the outside of a man.
And they fell into each other's arms then and there, for what strong
fighter does not respect another of his kind?

There they stood, arms around each other, clapping each other on the
back, actually chortling in the pure ecstasy of comradeship, now
serious, again laughing, when on the scene appeared Bud Haines, the
correspondent, who had returned to interview the new Senator from
Mississippi.

"Great heavens!" ejaculated the newspaper man. "A Senator, a United
States Senator, hugging a broken-down old 'has-been!' What is the
world coming to?" Haines suddenly paused. "I wonder if it can be a
pose;--merely for effect. It's getting harder every day to tell what's
genuine and what isn't in this town."




CHAPTER VII

LANGDON LEARNS OF THINGS UNPLEASANT


Haines quickly walked over and touched the Southerner on the arm.

"Well, my boy, what can I do for you?" asked the new Senator, turning
with a pleasant smile.

"My name is Haines. Senator Stevens was to speak to you about me. I'm
the first of the newspaper correspondents come to interview you."

Langdon's familiar smile broadened.

"Well, you don't look as though you'd bite. Reckon I can stand for it.
Is it very painful?"

"I hope it won't be, Senator," Haines said, feeling instinctively that
he was going to like this big, hearty citizen.

"All right, Mr. Haines, just as soon as I've said good-by to my old
friend, Colonel Stoneman, I'll be with you."

And to his continued amazement Haines saw the Senator walk away with
the old Union Colonel, slap him on the back, cheer him up and finally
bid him good-by after extending a cordial invitation to come around to
dinner, meet his daughters and talk over old times.

The antiquated Federal soldier marched away more erect, more brisk,
than in years, completely restored to favor in the eyes of the hotel
people. Langdon turned to the reporter.

"All right, Mr. Haines; my hands are up. Do your worst. Senator
Stevens spoke to me about you; said you were the smartest young
newspaper man in Washington. You must come from the South."

Bud shook his head.

"No, just New York," he said.

"Well, that's a promising town," drawled the Southerner. "They tell me
that's the Vicksburg of the North."

"I suppose you haven't been to New York of late, Senator?" suggested
the newspaper man.

"Well, I started up there with General Lee once," responded Langdon
reminiscently, "but we changed our minds and came back. You may have
heard about that trip."

Haines admitted that he had.

"Since that time," went on Langdon, "I've confined my travels to New
Orleans and Vicksburg. Ever been in New Orleans about Mardi Gras time,
Mr. Haines?"

"Sorry, but I don't believe I have," confessed the reporter
reluctantly.

The Senator seemed surprised.

"Well, sir, you have something to live for. I'll make it my special
business to personally conduct you through one Mardi Gras, with a
special understanding, of course, that you don't print anything in the
paper. I'm a vestryman in my church, but since misfortune has come
upon our State I have to be careful."

Haines searched his brain. He knew of no grave calamity that had
happened recently in Mississippi.

"Misfortune?" he questioned.

Senator Langdon nodded.

[Illustration: "FROM NEW YORK, EH? THE VICKSBURG OF THE NORTH,"]

"Yes, sir, the great old State of Mississippi went prohibition at the
last election. I don't know how it happened. We haven't found anybody
in the State that says he voted for it, but the fact is a fact. I
assure you, Mr. Haines, that prohibition stops at my front door, in
Mississippi. So I've been living a quiet life down on my plantation."

"This new life will be a great change for you, then?" suggested the
reporter.

"Change! It's revolutionary, sir! When you've expected to spend your
old days peacefully in the country, Mr. Haines, suddenly to find that
your State has called on you--"

A flavor of sarcasm came into Haines' reply.

"The office seeking the man?" He could not help the slight sneer. Was
a man never to admit that he had sought the office? Haines knew only
too well of the arduous work necessary to secure nominations for high
office in conventions and to win an election to the Senate from a
State Legislature. In almost every case, he knew, the candidate must
make a dozen different "deals" to secure votes, might promise the same
office to two or three different leaders, force others into line
by threats, send a trusted agent to another with a roll of bank
bills--the recipient of which would immediately conclude that this
candidate was the only man in the State who could save the nation from
destruction. Had not Haines seen men who had sold their unsuspecting
delegates for cash to the highest bidder rise in the convention hall
and in impassioned, dramatic voice exclaim in praise of the buyer,
"Gentlemen, it would be a crying shame, a crime against civilization,
if the chosen representatives of our grand old State of ---- did not
go on record in favor of such a man, such a true citizen, such an
inspired patriot, as he whose name I am about to mention"? So
the reporter may be forgiven for the ironical tinge in his hasty
interruption of the new Senator's remarks.

Langdon could not suppress a chuckle at the doubting note in Haines'
attitude.

"I think the man would be pretty small potatoes who wouldn't seek the
office of United States Senator, Mr. Haines," he said, "if he could
get it. When I was a young man, sir, politics in the South was a
career for a gentleman, and I still can't see how he could be better
engaged than in the service of his State or his country."

"That's right," agreed the reporter, further impressed by the frank
sincerity of the Mississippian.

"The only condition in my mind, Mr. Haines, is that the man should ask
himself searchingly whether or not he's competent to give the service.
But I seem to be talking a good deal. Suppose we get to the interview.
Expect your time is short. We'd better begin."

"I thought we were in the interview?" smiled the correspondent.

"In it!" exclaimed Langdon. "Well, if this is it, it isn't so bad. I
see you use a painless method. When I was down in Vicksburg a reporter
backed me up in a corner, slipped his hand in his hip pocket and
pulled out a list of questions just three feet four inches long.

"He wanted to know what I thought concerning the tariff on aluminium
hydrates, and how I stood about the opening of the Tento Pu
Reservation of the Comanche Indians, and what were my ideas about the
differential rate of hauls from the Missouri River.

"He was a wonder, that fellow! Kinder out of place on a Mississippi
paper. I started to offer him a job, but he was so proud I was afraid
he wouldn't accept it. However, it gives you my idea of a reporter."

"If you've been against that, I ought to thank you for talking to me,"
laughed Haines.

"Then you don't want to know anything about that sort of stuff?" said
Langdon, with a huge sigh of relief.

"No, Senator," was the amused reply. "I think generally if I know what
sort of a man a man is I can tell a great deal about what he will
think on various questions."

Langdon started interestedly.

"You mean, Mr. Haines, if you know whether I'm honest or not you can
fit me up with a set of views. Is that the idea? Seems to me you're
the sort of man I'm looking for."

The other smilingly shook his head.

"I wouldn't dare fix up a United States Senator with a set of views,"
he said. "I only mean that I think what a man is is important. I've
been doing Washington for a number of years. I've had an exceptional
opportunity to see how politics work. I don't believe in party
politics. I don't believe in parties, but I do believe in men."

Langdon nodded approvingly, then a twinkle shone in his eyes.

"We don't believe in parties in Mississippi," he drawled. "We've only
one--the Democratic party,--and a few kickers."

Haines grinned broadly at this description of Southern politics.

"What was this you were saying about national politics?" continued
the Mississippian. "I'm a beginner, you know, and I'm always ready to
learn."

"This is a new thing--a reporter teaching a Senator politics," laughed
Haines.

Senator Langdon joined in the merriment.

"I reckon reporters could teach United States Senators lots of things,
Mr. Haines, if the Senators had sense enough to go to school. Now, I
come up here on a platform the chief principle of which is the naval
base for the gulf. Now, how are we going to put that through? My State
wants it."

"You're probably sure it will be a wonderful thing for the country and
the South," suggested Haines.

"Of course."

"But why do you think most of the Congressmen and Senators will vote
for it?"

The Southerner took off his hat, leaned back and gazed across the
lobby thoughtfully.

"Seems to me the benefit to the South and country would be sufficient
reason, Mr. Haines," he finally replied.

The newspaper man's brain worked rapidly. Going over the entire
conversation with Langdon and what he had seen of him, he was certain
that the Mississippian believed what he said--that, moreover, the
belief was deeply rooted. His long newspaper training had educated
Haines in the ways of men, their actions and mental processes--what
naturally to expect from a given set of circumstances. He felt a
growing regard, an affection, for this unassuming old man before
him, who did not know and probably would be slow to understand the
hypocrisy, the cunning trickery of lawmakers who unmake laws.

"Sufficient reason for you, Senator," Haines added. "You have not been
in politics very long, have you?" he queried dryly.

A wry smile wrinkled the Mississippian's face.

"Been in long enough to learn some unpleasant things I didn't know
before." He remembered Martin Sanders.

"Will you allow me to tell you a few more?" asked Haines.

Langdon inclined his head in acquiescence. "Reckon I'd better know the
worst and get through with it."

"Well, then, Senator, somebody from Nebraska will vote for what you
want in the way of the naval base because he'll think then you'll help
him demand money to dredge some muddy creek that he has an interest
in.

"Somebody in Pennsylvania will vote for it because he owes a grudge
and wants to hurt the Philadelphia ship people.

"You'll get the Democrats because it's for the South, but if your bill
was for the west coast they might fight it tooth and nail, even with
the Japanese fleet cruising dangerously near.

"And the Republicans may vote for it because they see a chance to
claim glory and perhaps break the solid South in the next presidential
campaign. You catch the idea?"

"What!" exclaimed the astounded Langdon. "Well, who in hades will vote
for it because it's for the good of the United States?" he gasped.

"I believe you will, Senator," replied Haines, with ready confidence.




CHAPTER VIII

HOW SENATOR LANGDON GETS A SECRETARY


Langdon leaned over and seized the arm of his interviewer.

"See here, young man, why aren't you in politics?" he said.

"Too busy, Senator," replied Haines. "Besides, I like the newspaper
game."

"Game?" queried Langdon.

"Oh, I use the word in a general sense, Senator," replied Haines.
"Pretty much everything is a 'game'--society, politics, newspaper
work, business of every sort. Men and women make 'moves' to meet the
moves of other men and women. Why, even in religion, the way some
people play a--"

The speaker was interrupted by the appearance of Hope Georgia, who was
searching for her father.

"Stay here and listen to what a hard task your old father has got,"
said the Mississippian to his daughter, whom he presented to Haines
with a picturesque flourish reminiscent of the pride and chivalry of
the old South. "He has the idea that those New Yorkers who read his
paper would actually like to know something about me."

Hope Georgia stole many glances at the reporter as he talked with her
father. He made a deep impression on her young mind. She had spent
almost all her life on the plantation, her father providing her with
a private tutor instead of sending her to boarding-school, where her
elder sister had been educated. Owing to the death of her mother the
planter had desired to keep Hope Georgia at home for companionship.
This good-looking, clean-cut, well-built young man who was taking
so big and so active a part of the world's work brought to her the
atmosphere that her spirit craved. He gave one an impression of
ability, of earnestness, of sincerity, and she was glad that her
father approved of him.

Hope Georgia, by the same token, did not escape the attention of the
interviewer. Her appealing charm of face and figure was accentuated
by her daintiness and a fleeting suggestion of naivete in poise and
expression when she was amused. His first glance revealed to Haines
that her eyes were gray, the gray that people say indicates the
possessor to have those priceless qualities--the qualities that make
the sweetest women true, that make the maiden's eyes in truth the
windows of her soul, the qualities that make women womanly.

She sat close to her father, her hand in his, listening intently to
the unfolding of a story of what to her was a mysterious world--the
man's world, the strong man's world--which many a woman would give her
all to enter and play a part therein.

"What else have you against a political career, Mr. Haines?" went on
the Senator, taking up their conversation.

"Well, my age, for one thing. I haven't any gray hairs."

Langdon waved this objection aside.

"I might arrange to pool ages with you. Sometimes I think we want
young men in politics, like you."

The reporter shook his head.

"Old in age and young in politics, like you, Senator Langdon," he
replied. "Politics I sometimes think is pure hypocrisy and sometimes
something worse. A man gets disgusted with the trickery and dishonesty
and corruption."

"Then," drawled Langdon, "the thing to do is to jump in and stop it! I
read in the newspapers a great deal about corruption. The gentlemen
in national politics whom I have had the honor of knowing--Senator
Moseley, an intimate friend of thirty years; my present colleague,
Senator Stevens, and others--have been as honest as the day is long."

"But the days do get short in November, when Congress meets, don't
they?" laughed Haines, rising. "I'm afraid I've taken too much of your
time, and I seem to have talked a lot."

Langdon was amused.

"Does look like I'd been interviewing you. I reckon each one of us has
got a pretty good notion of what the other man's like. I wanted it
that way, and I like you, Mr. Haines. I've got a proposition to make
to you. They tell me I'll need a secretary. Now, I think I need just
such a young man as you. I don't know just exactly what the work would
be or what the financial arrangements should be, but I think you and
I would make a pretty good team. I wish you'd come." He turned to his
daughter, with a smile. "What do you think of that, Hope Georgia?
Isn't your dad right?"

Smiling her approval, the young girl squeezed her father's hand in her
enthusiasm.

"I think it's a splendid idea, dad; just great! Won't you come, Mr.
Haines? We--eh--I--I know my father would like to have you."

As he stood before his two new-found friends--for such Haines now
considered the Mississippian and his daughter--he could not suppress
feelings of surprise tinged with uncertainty. He had, like other
newspaper men, received offers of employment from politicians who
desired to increase their influence with the press. Sometimes the
salary offered had been large, the work so light that the reporter
could "earn" the money and yet retain his newspaper position, a
scantily disguised species of bribery, which had wrecked the careers
of several promising reporters well known to Haines, young men who had
been thus led into "selling their columns" by unscrupulous machine
dictators.

Haines knew that the Mississippian had no ulterior purpose to serve in
his offer, yet he must have time to think over the proposal.

"I thank you, Senator," he finally said. "I appreciate the
opportunity, coming from you, but I've never thought of giving up the
newspaper profession. It's a fascinating career, one that I am too
fond of to leave."

Langdon started to reply, when a delightfully modulated Southern voice
interrupted:

"Father, I've been out with Mrs. Spangler to look for some other
rooms. I don't like this hotel, and I found some that I do like."

Haines turned to see a handsomely gowned young woman who had the
stamp of a patrician's daughter in her bearing and her countenance--a
brunette, with delicate features, though determination shone in her
eyes and appeared in the self-contained poise of her head. She was
the imperious type of beauty and suggested to Haines the dry point
etchings of Paul Helleu. He instinctively conceived her to be
intensely ambitious, and of this Haines was soon to have unexpected
evidence. Gazing at her with a sense of growing admiration, Haines
gave an involuntary start as Senator Langdon spoke.

"My daughter, Miss Carolina Langdon, Mr. Haines," said the Senator.

Carolina was interested.

"Are you the newspaper man who is interviewing father? I hope you'll
do a nice one. We want him to be a successful and popular Senator.
We'd like to help him if we could."

The correspondent bowed.

"I should say you certainly would help him to be a popular Senator,"
he declared, emphatically, failing to notice that Hope Georgia was
somewhat annoyed at the enthusiasm displayed over her elder sister. In
fact, Hope Georgia was suffering a partial, if not total, eclipse.

"I'm leaving it to Mr. Haines to put down the things I ought to say,"
broke in the Senator. "He knows."

"Yes, he knows everything about Washington, Carolina," exclaimed Hope
Georgia, spiritedly.

The older girl spoke eagerly.

"I wish you'd interview me, Mr. Haines. Ask me how I like Washington.
I feel as though I must tell some one just how much I do like it! It
is too wonderful!"

"I'd like mighty well to interview you, Miss Langdon,"
enthusiastically exclaimed Haines.

"I hope you will some time, Mr. Haines," remarked Carolina, as she
said good-by.

Watching her as she turned away, Haines saw her extend a warm greeting
to Congressman Charles Norton, who had advanced toward the group.

[Illustration: "STRANGE HOW THE LANGDONS TREAT HIM AS A FRIEND."]

"Strange how the Langdons treat him as a friend--intimate one, too,"
he thought. "What if they should learn of Norton's questionable
operations at the Capitol; of his connection with two unsavory
'deals,' one of which resulted in an amendment to the pure food law so
that manufacturers of a valueless 'consumption cure' could continue to
mislead the victims of the 'white plague'; Norton, who had uttered an
epigram now celebrated in the tap-rooms of Washington, 'The paths of
glory lead but to the graft.'"

"Miss Langdon is very beautiful and attractive, sir," said Haines,
resuming with the Senator.

"Yes," drawled the Mississippian. "Girls in the South generally are."

"Well, I must be going. I'll think about your secretaryship, Senator
Langdon. Perhaps I can find some one."

"Wish you'd think about it for yourself," observed the Senator, while
Hope Georgia again nodded approval. "It would be a hard job. There
are so many matters of political detail about which I am sadly
inexperienced that really most of the work would fall on the
secretary."

Bud Haines paused. Again he thought over Langdon's offer. Its
genuineness appealed to him. Suddenly there dawned on him an idea of
just what it might mean to be associated with this honest old citizen
who had asked for his help--who needed it, as Haines knew only too
well. He would be the Senator's guide and confidant--his adviser
in big matters. Why, he would practically be United States Senator
himself. He knew the "inside" as few others in Washington. Here was
a chance to match his wit against that of Peabody, the boss of the
Senate; a chance to spoil some of the dishonest schemes of those who
were adroitly "playing the game." He could bother, too, the intriguing
members of the "third house," as the lobbyists are called.

He could direct a lightning bolt into the camp of Andy Corrigan,
who claimed the honor of being "speaker of the third house." These
thoughts crowded into his mind. Then, too, he would become practically
a member of the Langdon family and have association with the two
charming daughters--with Carolina Langdon.

"It would be a great chance," he murmured half aloud; "next thing to
being a Senator."

The old Mississippian heard the young man's words.

"I reckon it would," he drawled, in agreement.

"You feel sure you want me?" urged the other.

Langdon chuckled.

"I asked you," he said.

Haines came abruptly to decision.

"I've thought it over, Senator, and it seems to me it will be a great
chance in every way. I'll accept. We'll fix it up to-morrow, and I'll
try to make you a good secretary."

Langdon held forth his hand.

"And I'll try to make you a good Senator, my boy. Fix up nothing
to-morrow. Your duties begin to-night. You are to come to dinner with
me and my daughters."




CHAPTER IX

A NEW KIND OF POLITICAL PARTNERSHIP


The combination of the forces of Langdon and Haines did not find much
favor among the powers that are--at the Capitol. Senator Peabody
peremptorily demanded an explanation from Stevens as to how he had
allowed "his Senator" to engage as his secretary "this inquisitive man
Haines, a reporter who didn't know his place."

"Here we've put Langdon on naval affairs because we knew he didn't
understand what's going on, and you, Stevens, supposed to be the
finished, product of the political mill, _you_ fall asleep and let
him take up a man whom nobody can control, one who knows the inside
workings of Washington and who will take par-tic-u-lar pleasure in
teaching your fellow Mississippian far too much for our good."

Stevens' reply, to effect that probably Haines would consent to
be "taken care of" if judiciously approached, was derided by the
observant Peabody. "A young reformer grows fat on notoriety," he
laughed, "and think what a scandal he would have for his newspaper if
we took a chance on disclosing our hand to him. No, no, Stevens; we
must have him watched and try to discredit him in some way. Perhaps we
can make Langdon believe that his secretary is dishonest."

Congressman Norton was another man who was dismayed at the formation
of the firm of Langdon and Haines. Young Randolph, too, could not
forget the defeat and humiliation he had previously suffered at
Haines' hands and grew more bitter as the reporter's influence over
his father grew stronger. But Haines' most effective enemy had arisen
in the person he would be the last to suspect; one whom he unceasingly
admired, one whose very words he had come to cherish. And possibly
it was not all her own fault that Carolina Langdon had enlisted her
services, subtle and quite overwhelming (owing to Haines' fervent
worship of her), against the secretary. Perhaps the social system of
which she had become a part in Washington had something to do with the
craving to become a leader in that fascinating world whose dazzling
variety and infinite diversion seemed to fill her soul with all
that it yearned for. Love she had, for she had now promised to wed
Congressman Norton. She loved him fondly, she had confessed to him,
and gradually she came to work desperately against Haines, who,
she had been convinced by Norton and Randolph, would prove a
stumbling-block to them, to her father, to herself in her career at
the capital, if his influence over the Senator should be permitted to
exist or to increase. And so on the surface Carolina Langdon was most
amiable to the secretary, encouraged him in his attentions to her, led
him surely into her power, Norton having prevailed, on her to keep the
knowledge of their engagement secret from every one, even her father.

The days and nights became filled with important work for Senator
Langdon and his secretary. Together they went over the important
measures, outlined what appeared to be the best course of procedure,
and carried it into effect as far as possible. Langdon became a
prominent figure in the Senate, owing to his consistent support of
measures that fitted in with the public policy, or what should be the
public policy, of the nation. He had learned that the only practicable
way to outwit or to cope with the members of the dominating machine,
made up, he was surprised to see, of members of both the parties--the
only two in Washington--was to oppose what the machine wanted with
enough power to force it to grant him what he believed the public
ought to have. He was described by some of the hide-bound "insiders"
on Capitol Hill as "the only brainy man who had fought the machine in
thirty years."

At the home he had later established in Washington as preferable
to the International Hotel were frequently seen a small coterie of
Senators and Congressmen who had become known to the sarcastic party
bosses in both houses of Congress as the "Langdon crowd," which crowd
was admitted to be somewhat a factor when it finally prevailed on the
President to take over 11,000 postmasters from the appointment class
and put them under the control of the Civil Service Commission,
resulting in the necessity of a competitive examination for these
postmasters instead of their securing positions through political
favoritism.

Those who did not know Langdon intimately suggested that "this fellow
ought to be 'taken care of.' What in God's name does he want? A
committee chairmanship? An ambassadorship for some Mississippi
charcoal burner? A couple of Federal judgeships for his friends? Well,
whatever it is, give it to him and get him in with the rest of us!"

Again it was Peabody who had the deciding say.

"There's only one thing worse than a young reformer, and that's an old
one," he laughed bitterly at a secret conclave at his apartment in the
luxurious Louis Napoleon Hotel. "The young one thinks he is going to
live and wants our future profits for himself. The old one thinks he's
going to die, and he's sore at leaving so much graft behind him."

Heads and hearts thinking and throbbing together, Langdon and his
secretary had learned to lean on each other, the young gaining
inspiration from the old, the old gaining strength from the young.
They loved each other, and, more than any love, they trusted one
another. And Hope Georgia watched it all and rejoiced, for she
believed with all the accrued erudition of eighteen years of innocent
girlhood that Mr. Bud Haines was quite the finest specimen of young
manhood this world had ever produced. How could he have happened? She
was sure that she had never met his equal, not even in that memorable
week she had spent in Jackson.

The passing weeks taught Haines that he was deeply in love with
Carolina, and, though he had endeavored to keep the knowledge of this
from her, her woman's intuition had told her his secret, and she
stifled the momentary regrets that flitted into her mind, because she
was now in "the game" herself, the Washington game, that ensnares the
woman as well as the man and makes her a slave to its fancy. No one
but herself and Norton knew how deeply she had "plunged" on a certain
possible turn of the political cards. She must not, she could not,
lose if life itself were to remain of value to her, and on her sway
over this secretary she was told it all depended.

A subject that for some unexplained reason frequently lodged in
Haines' mind was that of the apparent assiduity with which Mrs.
Spangler cultivated Senator Langdon's friendship. For several years
she had occupied a high social position at the capital, he well knew,
but various indefinite, intangible rumors he had heard, he could not
state exactly where, had made him regret her growing intimacy with
the girls and with the Senator. They had met her through letters of
introduction of the most trustworthy and assuring character from
people of highest social rank in Virginia, where the Langdons had many
friends; but even so, Haines realized, people who write introductory
letters are sometimes thoughtless in considering all the circumstances
of the parties they introduce, and residents of Virginia who had not
been in the capital for years might be forgiven for not knowing of
all the more recent developments in the lives of those they knew
in Washington. While not wishing to have the Senator know of his
intention, the secretary determined to investigate Mrs. Spangler and
her present mode of life at his first opportunity, hoping the while
that his quest would reveal her to be what the Langdons considered
her--a widow of wealth, fashion and reserve who resided at the capital
because the memories of her late husband, a former Congressman of high
standing, were associated with it.

Calling at the Langdons' house one evening in February to receive
directions regarding important work for the next day, Haines was
somewhat puzzled at the peculiar smile on the Senator's face.
Answering the secretary's look of inquiry, the Mississippian said:

"I've been told that I can name the new holder of a
five-thousand-dollar-a-year position in the Department of Commerce
and Labor, and that if I have no one in particular from my State to
name--that--that you would be a good man for the job. First I was
glad for your sake, my boy, for if you wanted it you could have the
position. But on thinking it over it seemed there might be something
behind it not showing on the surface."

"It's a trick," said Haines. "Who made the offer?"

"Senator Stevens."

"I might have known," hotly responded the secretary. "There's a crowd
that wants you and me separated. Thought this bait too much for me to
resist, did they?" Then he paused, rubbing his fingers through his
hair in a perplexed manner. "Strange, isn't it, Senator, that a man
of your party is offered this desirable piece of patronage, entirely
unsolicited on your part, from the administration of another, a
different political party? Especially when that other party has so
many hungry would-be 'tax eaters' clamoring to enter the 'land of milk
and honey.' I think Stevens deliberately--"

"There, there, Bud," broke in Langdon, "you mustn't say anything
against Senator Stevens to me. True, he associates with some folks I
don't approve of, but that doesn't necessarily mean anything wrong,
and I myself have always found him thoroughly honest."

"Yes," muttered the secretary, following the Senator into the library,
"you've always found him honest because you think everybody's
honest--but Stevens is just the doctor who will cure you of this
ailment--this chronic trustfulness."

Haines laughed softly. "When Peabody's little Stevie gets through
hacking at the prostrate body of political purity his two-handed sword
of political corruption will need new edges."

Thus far neither the Senator nor his secretary had suspicion of any
questionable deal in regard to the gulf naval base. The rush of other
events, particularly the fight over the reduction of the tariff, had
pushed this project temporarily into the background so far as they
were concerned, though the "boss of the Senate" and his satellites had
been losing no time in perfecting their plans regarding the choice of
Altacoola as the site.

Peabody and Stevens had ingeniously exploited Langdon at every
possible opportunity in relation to the naval base. Asked about new
developments in the committee on naval affairs, the ready answer was:
"Better see Senator Langdon. He knows all about the naval base; has
the matter in full charge. I really know little about it."

So, by hiding behind the unsuspecting old hero of Crawfordsville, they
diverted from themselves any possible suspicion and placed Langdon
where he would have to bear the brunt of the great scandal that
would, they well knew, come out at some future time--after their foul
conspiracy against the nation had been consummated, after the fruits
of their betrayal had been secured.

What, after all, the schemers concluded, is the little matter of an
investigation among Senators to guilty Senators who, deeply versed
in the law, have destroyed every compromising document that could be
admissible as evidence?

Why, the Senate would appoint an investigating committee and
investigate itself, would it not, when the ridiculous scandal came?

And what Senator would fear himself, or for himself, as he
investigated himself, when the blame had already been put publicly on
some one else, some simple-minded old soul who could go back to his
cotton fields in Mississippi and forget all about it, strong in his
innocence, even though shorn of reputation, and desire to live?




CHAPTER X

WHEN SENATORS DISAGREE


The wiseacres of Washington had nightly predicted, that the site of
the hundred-million-dollar gulf naval base would be decided on in
March, after the excitement and gayety attending the presidential
inauguration had subsided.

On the morning of the day before this action of the committee on naval
affairs was to be taken Secretary Haines sat at his desk in Senator
Langdon's committee room in the Capitol. Richard Cullen, the favorite
associate of Haines in his journalistic days, out earlier than usual
on his daily round of the departments for news for his Chicago paper,
had strolled in and attempted a few of his characteristic cynicisms.
Haines usually found them entertaining, but these were directed at
Senator Langdon.

"Now, let me tell you something, Dick," the secretary answered,
firmly. "Don't you work off all your dyspeptic ideas in this
neighborhood. My Senator is a great man. They can't appreciate him up
here because he's honest--crystal clear. I used to think I knew what a
decent citizen, a real man, ought to be, but he's taught me some new
things. He'll teach them all something before he gets through."

Cullen hung one leg over Haines' desk.

"You're a nice, quiet, gentlemanly little optimist, and I like you,
old fellow," retorted Cullen. "But don't deceive yourself too much.
Your Senator Langdon is personally one of the best ever. But he was
born a mark, and a mark he'll be to the end of time.

"He looks good now. Sure, I like his speeches, and all that, but just
wait. When some of those old foxes in the Senate want to put his head
in the bag and tie it down, they won't have any trouble at all."

Smiling, Haines looked up at his cynical friend.

"The bag'll have to go over my head, too," he said, with a nod.

"Well, I don't know that Peabody'd have to strain himself very much to
get such an awful big bag to drop you both in, if it comes right down
to that, old chap. You're making a mistake. You're as bad as your old
man. You're a beautiful pair of optimists, and you a good newspaper
man, too--it's a shame!"

After momentary hesitation, Cullen continued, thoroughly serious.

"But, my old friend," he said in low tone, glancing quickly about,
"there's one thing that you've got to put a stop to. It's hurting
you."

The secretary's face showed his bewilderment.

"What do you mean?" he snapped, abruptly. "Out with it!"

"I mean," replied Cullen, "that rumors are going around that you are
keeping Langdon away from the crowd of 'insiders' in the Senate for
your own purposes--that, in short, you plan to--"

"I understand," was the quick interruption. "I am accused of wanting
to 'deliver' Senator Langdon, guarantee his vote, on some graft
proposition, so that I can get the money and not he himself.
Consequently I'm tipping him off on what measures are honest, so that
he'll vote for them, until--until I'm offered my price, then influence
him to vote for some big crooked scheme, telling him it is all right.
He votes as I suggest, and I get the money!"

"That's what 'delivering a man' means in Washington," dryly answered
the Chicago correspondent. "It means winning a man's confidence, his
support, his vote, through friendship, and then selling it for cash--"

"But you, Dick, you have--"

"Of course, old man, I have denied the truth of this. I knew you too
well to doubt you. Still, the yarn is hurting you. Remember that
Western Senator who was 'delivered' twice, both ways, on a graft
bill?" he laughingly asked the secretary.

"Should say I did, Dick. That is the record for that game. It was a
corporation measure. One railroad wanted it; another opposed it. The
Senator innocently told an Eastern Senator that he was going to vote
for the bill. Then the Easterner went to the railroad wanting the
bill passed and got $7,000 on his absolute promise that he would get
Senator X. to vote for it, who, of course, did vote for it."

"Yes," said Cullen, "and later, when Senator X. heard that Senator Z.
had got money for his vote, he was wild. Then when another effort
was made to pass the bill (which had been defeated) the 'delivered'
Senator said to Z. as he met him unexpectedly: 'You scoundrel, here's
where I get square with you to some extent. Anyway, I'm going to vote
against that bill this time and make a long speech against it, too.'
Senator Z. then hustled to the lobbyist of the railroad that wanted
the bill killed and guaranteed him that for $10,000 he could get
Senator X. to change his vote, to vote against the bill."

"And he got the money, too, both ways," added Haines, as Cullen
concluded, "and both railroads to this day think that X. received the
money from Z."

"Of course," said Cullen, "but X. was to blame, though. He didn't know
enough to keep to himself how he was going to vote. Any man that talks
that way will be 'delivered.'"

"I know how to stop those rumors, for I'm sure it's Peabody's work, he
thinking Langdon will hear the talk and mistrust me," began Haines,
when in came Senator Langdon himself, his face beaming contentedly.
Little did the junior Senator from Mississippi realize that he was
soon to face the severest trial, the most vital crisis, of his entire
life.

Cullen responded to the Senator's cheery greeting of "Mornin',
everybody!"

"Senator," he asked, "my paper wants your opinion on the question of
the election of Senators by popular vote. Do you think the system of
electing Senators by vote of State Legislatures should be abolished?"

The Mississippian cocked his head to one side.

"I reckon that's a question that concerns future Senators, and not
those already elected," he chuckled.

Haines laughed at Cullen, who thrust his pad into his pocket and
hurried away.

"It is to-day that I appear before the ways and means committee, isn't
it?" Langdon queried of his secretary.

"Yes," said Haines, consulting his memorandum book. "At 11 o'clock you
go before ways and means to put forward the needs of your State on
the matter of the reduction of the tariff on aluminium hydrates. The
people of Mississippi believe it has actually put back life into the
exhausted cotton lands. In Virginia they hope to use it on the tobacco
fields."

"Where does the pesky stuff come from?" asked the Senator.

"From South America," coached the secretary. "The South is in a hurry
for it, so the duty must come down. You'll have to bluff a
bit, because Peabody and his crowd will try to make a kind of
bargain--wanting you to keep up iron and steel duties. But you don't
believe that iron and steel need help, you will tell them, don't you
see, so that they will feel the necessity of giving you what you want
for the South in order to gain your support for the iron and steel
demands."

The office door opened and Senator Peabody appeared.

"Peabody," whispered the secretary.

Instantly the Mississippian had his cue. His back to Peabody, he
rose, brought down his fist heavily upon the desk, and expounded
oratorically to Haines:

"What we can produce of aluminium hydrates, my boy, is problematical,
but the South is in a hurry for it, and the duty must come down. It's
got to come down, and I'm not going to do anything else until it
does."

The secretary stretched across the desk.

"Excuse me, Senator; Senator Peabody is here," he said, loudly and
surprisedly, as though he had just sighted the boss of the Senate.

The Mississippian turned.

"Oh, good-morning, Senator. I was just talking with my secretary about
that hydrate clause."

Peabody bowed slightly.

"Yes, I knew it was coming up," he said, "so I just dropped over.
I'm not opposed to it or any Southern measure; but it makes it more
difficult for me when you Southern people oppose certain Pittsburg
interests that I have to take care of."

Langdon smiled.

"I've never been in Pittsburg, but they tell me it looks as if it
could take care of itself."

The visitor shrugged his shoulders.

"That's true enough; but give and take is the rule in political
matters, Langdon."

This remark brought a frown to Langdon's face.

"I don't like bargaining between gentlemen, Peabody. More important
still, I don't believe American politics has to be run on that plan.
Why can't we change a lot of things now that we are here?"

Langdon became so enthused that he paced up and down the room as he
spoke.

"Peabody, you and Stevens and I," continued Langdon, "could get our
friends together and right now start to make this great capital of our
great country the place of the 'square deal,' the place where give and
take, bargain and sale, are unknown. We could start a movement that
would drive out all secret influences--"

The secretary noticed Peabody's involuntary start.

"The newspapers would help us," went on Langdon. "Public opinion would
be with us, and both houses of Congress would have to join in the work
if we went out in front, led the way and showed them their plain duty.
And I tell you, Senator Peabody, that the principles that gave birth
to this country, the principles of truth, honesty, justice and
independence, would rule in Washington--"

"If Washington cared anything about them, Langdon," interjected the
Pennsylvanian.

"That's my point," cried the Mississippian--"let us teach Washington
to care about them!"

"Langdon, Langdon," said Peabody, patronizingly, "you've seized on a
bigger task than you know. After you reform Washington you will have
to go on and reform human nature, human instincts, every human being
in the country, if you want to make politics this angelic thing you
describe. It isn't politics, it's humanity, that's wrong," waving
aside a protest from Langdon.

"Anyway, your idea is not constitutional, Langdon," continued Peabody.
"You want everybody to have a share in the national government. That
wouldn't meet the theory of centralization woven into our political
system by its founders. They intended that our Government should be
controlled by a limited number of representatives, so that authority
can be fixed and responsibility ascertained."

"You distort my meaning!" cried Langdon. "And, Senator, I would like
to ask why so many high-priced constitutional lawyers who enter
Congress spend so much time in placing the Constitution of the United
States between themselves and their duty, sir, between the people and
their Government, sir, between the nation and its destiny? I want to
know if in your opinion the Constitution was designed to throttle
expression of the public will?"

"Of course not. That's the reason you and I, Langdon, and the others
are elected to the Senate," added Peabody, starting to leave. Then he
halted. "By the way, Senator," he said, "I'll do my best to arrange
what you want regarding aluminium hydrates for the sake of the South,
and I'll also stand with you for Altacoola for the naval base. Our
committee is to make its report to-morrow."

Langdon observed the penetrating gaze that Peabody had fixed on him.
It seemed to betray that the Pennsylvanian's apparently careless
manner was assumed.

"H'm!" coughed Langdon, glancing at Haines. "I'm not absolutely
committed to Altacoola until I'm sure it's the best place. I'll make
up my mind to-day definitely, and I _think_ it will be for Altacoola."

The boss of the Senate went out, glaring venomously at Haines,
slamming the door.

A moment later a page boy brought in a card. "Colonel J.D. Telfer,
Gulf City," read the Senator.

"Bud," he remarked to the secretary, "I'm going to send my old
acquaintance, Telfer, Mayor of Gulf City, in here for you to talk to.
He'll want to know about his town's chances for being chosen as the
naval base. I must hurry away, as I have an appointment with my
daughters and Mrs. Spangler before going before ways and means."

[Illustration: THE SENATOR ACCEPTS AN INVITATION TO TEA.]




CHAPTER XI

ON THE TRAIL OF THE "INSIDERS"


Colonel J.D. Telfer (J.D. standing for Jefferson Davis, he explained
proudly to Haines) proved a warm advocate of the doubtful merits of
Gulf City as a hundred-million-dollar naval base. His flushed face
grew redder, his long white hair became disordered, and he tugged at
his white mustache continually as he waxed warmer in his efforts to
impress the Senator's secretary.

"I tell you, Mr. Haines, Gulf City, sah, leads all the South when it
comes to choosin' ground fo' a naval base. Her vast expanse of crystal
sea, her miles upon miles of silvah sands, sah, protected by a natural
harbor and th' islands of Mississippi Sound, make her th' only spot
to be considered. She's God's own choice and the people's, too, for a
naval base."

"But, unfortunately, Congress also has something to say about choosing
it," spoke Haines.

"To be shuah they do," said Gulf City's Mayor, "but--"

"And there was a man here from Altacoola yesterday," again interrupted
the secretary, "who said that Gulf City was fit only to be the State
refuge for aged and indigent frogs."

"Say, they ain't a man in Altacoola wot can speak th' truth,"
indignantly shrieked the old Colonel, almost losing control of
himself; "because their heads is always a-buzzin' and a-hummin' from
th' quinine they have to take to keep th' fever away, sah!"

The Mayor sat directly in front of Haines, at the opposite side of his
desk. Regaining his composure, he suddenly leaned forward and half
whispered to the secretary:

"Mah young friend, don't let Senator Langdon get switched away from
Gulf City by them cheap skates from Altacoola. Now, if you'll get th'
Senator to vote fo' Gulf City we'll see--I'll see, sah, as an officer
of th' Gulf City Lan' Company--that you get taken ca-ah of."

Haines' eyes opened wide.

"Go on, Colonel; go on with your offer," he said.

"Well, I'll see that a block of stock, sah--a big block--is set
aside fo' Senator Langdon an' another fo' you, too. We've made this
ah-rangomont else-wheah. We'll outbid Altacoola overall time. They're
po' sports an' hate to give up."

"So Altacoola is bidding, too?" excitedly asked Haines.

"Why, of co'se it is. Ah yo' as blind as that o' ah yo' foolin' with
me?" questioned Telfer, suspiciously. "Seems to me yo' ought to know
more about that end of it than a fellah clear from th' gulf."

"Certainly, certainly," mumbled Haines, impatiently, as he endeavored
to associate coherently, intelligently, in his mind those startling
new revelations of Telfer with certain incidents he had previously
noted in the operations of the committee on naval affairs.

Then he looked across at the Mayor and smiled. Apparently he had heard
nothing to amaze him.

"Colonel," he returned calmly, dropping into a voice that sounded of
pity for the gray hairs of the lobbyist, "about fifty men a day come
to me with propositions like that. There is nothing doing, Colonel. I
couldn't possibly interest Senator Langdon, because he has the faculty
of judging for himself, and he would be prejudiced against either town
that came out with such, a proposition."

"Lan' speculation is legitimate," protested, the Colonel, cunningly.

Haines agreed.

"Certainly--by outsiders. But it's d--d thievery when engaged in by
any one connected with putting a bill through. If I were to tell
Senator Langdon what you have told me it would decide him unalterably
in favor of Altacoola. Senator Langdon, sir, is one of the few men in
Washington who would rather be thought a fool than a grafter if it
came down to that."

The Mayor of Gulf City jumped to his feet, his face blazing in rage,
not in shame.

"Seems to me yo're mighty fresh, young man," he blustered. "What kind
of politics is Langdon playin'?"

"Not fresh, Colonel; only friendly. I'm just tipping you off how not
to be a friend to Altacoola. As to his politics, the Senator will
answer you himself."

A scornful laugh accompanied Telfer's reply.

"Altacoola, huh! I reckon yo' must be a fool, after all. Why,
everybody knows of the speculatin' in land around Altacoola, and
everybody knows it ain't outsiders that's doin' it. It's the insiders,
right here in Washington. If yo' ain't in, yo' can easy get a
latchkey. Young man, yo'll find out things some day, and yo'll drop to
it all.

"I guess I was too late with yo'. That's about the size of it. I
guess Altacoola'll talk to yo'," went on the Mayor. "If that feller
Fairbrother of Altacoola had been able to hold his tongue maybe I
wouldn't know so much. But now I know what's what. I know this--that
yo're either a big fool or--an insider. Yo're a nice young feller. I
have kind-a taken a fancy to yo'. I like to see yo' young fellers get
along and not miss yo'r chances. Come, my boy, get wise to yo'rself,
get wise to yo'rself! Climb on to the band wagon with yo' friends."

Bud concluded that he might be able to get more definite information
out of Telfer if he humored him a bit.

"I tell you, Colonel," he finally said, "these are pretty grave
charges you're making, but I'll tell you confidentially, owing to your
liking for me, that it is not yet too late to do something for Gulf
City. Now, just suppose you and I dine together to-night early, and
we'll go over the whole ground to see how things lie. Will you?"

The Colonel held out his hand, smiling broadly. He felt that at last
he had won the secretary over; that the young man was at heart anxious
to take money for his influence with the Senator.

"All right, my boy, yo're on. We'll dine together. Yo' are absolutely
certain that it won't be too late to get to Senator Langdon?"

"Absolutely positive. I wouldn't make a mistake in a matter like this,
would I, unless I was what you said I was--a fool?"

"Of course not. Oh, yo're a slick one. I like to do business with
folks like yo'. It's mighty educatin'!"

"Thanks," answered Bud, dryly. "It's certain that Langdon won't decide
which place he's for until to-morrow. I promise you that he won't
decide until after I have my talk with you."

"Yo' see," said Telfer, "I asked that question because, as yo'
probably know, Congressman Norton and his crowd is pretty close to
Senator Langdon--"

Haines cut him short with a gasp of surprise.

"Norton!"

Telfer, wrinkling his forehead incredulously, looked at Haines.
"Surest thing you know, my boy."

Bud turned his head away in thought.

"Oh, leave the Norton outfit to me. I'll fool them," he finally said.

"Good."

Telfer shook the secretary's hand heartily.

"Yo're no fool, my boy. Anybody can see that--after they get to know
yo' all. That's what comes of bein' one of them smooth New Yorkers.
They 'pear mighty sanctimonious on th' outside, but on th' inside
they're the real goods, all right."

The lobbyist hurried away, his bibulous soul swelling with
satisfaction. He was sure of triumphing over Altacoola, and he was
willing to pay the price.

Haines sank back into his chair. "I wonder what Washington
'insiders,'" he murmured, "are speculating in Altacoola land. Telfer
mentions Norton's name. I wonder--"

The door opened, and before him stood Carolina Langdon.

"Ah, Miss Langdon," he exclaimed, "I am glad to see you!"

She walked to him and extended cordially a slender gloved hand.

"This is a real pleasure, Mr. Haines," she began. "I've been waiting
to talk to you for some time. It's about something important."

"Something important," smiled Haines. "You want to see me about
something important? Well, let me tell you a secret. Every time I see
you it is an important occasion to me."

Carolina Langdon had never appeared more charming, more beautiful
to young Haines than she did that day. Perhaps she appeared more
inspiring because of the contrast her presence afforded to the
unpleasant episodes through which he had just passed; also, Carolina
was dressed in her most becoming street gown, which she well realized,
as she was enacting a carefully planned part with the unfortunate
secretary.

His frankness and the sincere admiration that shone in his eyes caused
her to falter momentarily, almost made her weaken in her purpose, but
she made an effort and secured a firmer grip on herself, for she must
play a role that would crush to earth the air castles this young
secretary was building, a role that would crush the ideals of this
young optimist as well.




CHAPTER XII

THE CURE OF A WOMAN'S LOVE


Carolina had come to find out from Haines, if possible, how her father
was going to vote on the naval base and to induce the secretary to
persuade him to stand for Altacoola--if there seemed danger that he
would vote for another site. That was her scheme, for Carolina had
put $25,000 into Altacoola land--money left by her mother. Norton
had persuaded Carolina to invest in the enterprise to defraud the
Government, promising her $50,000 clear profit. How much she could do
in Washington society with that!

The continued uncertainty over her father's final attitude had
strained her nerves almost to the breaking, for the success of the
conspiracy depended on his vote. Not even the words of Norton, her
future husband, could reassure her. Her worry was increased by the
knowledge of Randolph's investment of her father's $50,000.

That Carolina must sacrifice Haines on the altar of her consuming
desire for money, for a higher worldly position, was an unimportant
consideration. He stood in the way. Any moment he might discover the
existence of the Altacoola scheme, he would immediately tell her
father, and she knew her father would immediately decide against
Altacoola--the bright hopes of her future would turn to ashes.
Norton's money as well was invested in Altacoola. He, too, would be
ruined. She was sure that she loved Norton, but she could not marry a
penniless man.

Carolina resumed the conversation.

"It isn't anything so very important, Mr. Haines. It's about father."

Haines beamed.

"I have the honor to report, Miss Langdon," he bowed, "that your
father is making the very best kind of a Senator."

The girl hesitated.

"Yes; he might, if he had some ambition."

"Don't worry! If it comes down to that, I have ambition for two. You
want him to be a success, don't you? Well, he is the biggest kind of a
success."

"I never believed that he would be," confessed the daughter.

Haines laughed.

"Why, do you realize that to-day he is one of the most popular men in
public life throughout the country; that 'What does Langdon think?'
has become the watchword of the big body of independents who want
honesty and decent government without graft?

"I tell you that's a big thing, Miss Langdon. That's success--real
success in politics, especially in Washington politics.

"Now, if there's anything else you want him to have, I'll see that he
gets it I'll try to get it for him"--he paused a minute, then added,
with heartfelt meaning in his voice--"and for you, Miss Langdon."

Carolina played coquettishly with the secretary.

"For me, Mr. Haines?" she questioned, archly, with an effective glance
into his eyes.

Bud's pulses began to throb violently--to leap.

"Yes," he exclaimed, unsteadily, "for you, and you know it. That's the
inspiration now, my inspiration--the chance of winning your belief in
me, of winning something more, the biggest thing I ever thought to
win--because, Miss Langdon--Carolina--I love you." He bent over and
seized the girl's hand. "Ever since the day I first saw you I--"

She shook her head indulgently and in a moment drew her hand from his.

"You mustn't be so serious, Mr. Haines. You don't understand Southern
girls at all. We are not just like Northern girls. We are used to
being made love to from the time we are knee-high. Sometimes, I fear,
we flirt a little, but we don't mean any harm. All girls flirt--a
little."

"But somebody wins even the Southern girls," declared Haines, eagerly.

The girl's face became serious, earnest, sincere.

"Yes, somebody does, always," she said. "And when a Southern girl is
won she stays won, Mr. Haines."

"And I have a chance to win?" questioned the determined young
Northerner.

Carolina smiled sweetly and expressively.

"Who knows? First make my father even a bigger success--that's first.
Oh, I wonder if you can realize what all this life means to me! If you
can realize what those years of stagnating on the plantation meant to
me! No man would have endured it!" she exclaimed bitterly. "I am more
of a man than a woman in some ways; I'm ambitious. From the time I was
a little girl I've wanted the world, power, fame, money. I want them
still. I mean to get them somehow, anyhow. If I can't get them myself,
some one must get them for me."

"And love?" suggested the man. "You are leaving love out. Suppose I
get all these things for you?"

Bud's pounding heart almost stopped. He could scarcely gain his breath
as he saw creep into Carolina's eyes what he believed to be the light
of hope for him, the light even of a woman's promise.

"Who knows, Mr. Haines? There's no reward guaranteed. There may be
others trying," she answered.

Haines laughed--the strong, hopeful, fighting laugh of the man who
would combat the boss of the Senate on ground of the boss' own
choosing.

"All right!" he cried. "If it's an open fight I'll enlist. I'll give
them all a run. What are your orders?"

Carolina appeared indifferent.

"I don't know that I have any particular orders, sir knight, except to
see that my father does all he can for the Altacoola naval base."

Haines paused, seized by a sudden tremor.

"The Altacoola naval base?" he stammered. "Well, all I can say is that
the Senator will do what he thinks right. That might bring power and
fame--a right decision in this case--but it can't bring money."

Carolina shrugged her shoulders.

"Money?" She laughed with affected carelessness. "Well, we'll have to
let the money take care of itself for a time. But I do want him to
vote for Altacoola, because I believe that will be the best for him.
You believe in Altacoola, don't you?"

Haines hesitated, then answered:

"Well, between the two sites merely as sites Altacoola seems to me
rather better."

Miss Langdon held out her hand impulsively.

"Then it will be Altacoola!" she cried. "Thank you, Mr. Haines. We are
partners, then, for Altacoola."

The young man grasped her hand earnestly.

"I'd like to be your partner for good, Carolina!" he cried.

They stood there close together, holding each other's hands, looking
into each other's eyes, when the door opened and in came Charles
Norton.




CHAPTER XIII

AN OLD-FASHIONED FATHER


Congressman Norton was startled at the sight of Carolina and Haines
apparently so wrapped up in each other. Perhaps she was getting
interested in the handsome, interfering secretary. That a woman
sometimes breaks her promise to wed he well knew. Plainly Carolina
was carrying things too far for a girl who was the promised wife of
another.

Carolina and Haines showed surprise at Norton's entrance.

The Congressman advanced and spoke sneeringly, his demeanor marking
him to be in a dangerous mood.

"Do I intrude?" he drawled, deliberately.

Carolina drew away her hands from Haines and faced the newcomer.

"Intrude!" she exclaimed, contemptuously, in a tone that Norton
construed as in his favor and Haines in his own.

"Intrude!" Haines laughed, sarcastically, feeling that now he was
leader in the race for love against this Mississippi representative,
who was, he knew, a subservient tool and a taker of bribes. "You
surely do intrude, Norton. Wouldn't any man who had interrupted a
tete-a-tete another man was having with Miss Langdon be intruding?"

"I suppose I can't deny that," he replied.

The secretary smiled again.

"I'll match you to see who stays," he said.

But Norton's turn to defeat his rival had come. He held out a paper to
Haines.

"Senator Langdon gave me this for you. I reckon I don't have to
match."

The secretary opened the note to read:

    "Where in thunder does that hydrate come from--South America or
    Russia? How much off on the tariff on the creature do we want?
    Come over to the committee room, where I am, right away. Say it's
    an urgent message and get in with a tip."

The secretary looked up, with a laugh.

"You win, Norton. I'm off. Good-by." And he started on a run to the
Senator's aid.

Norton turned angrily on the girl as the door closed.

"See here, Carolina," he cried, "what do you mean by letting that
fellow make love to you?"

Carolina Langdon would not permit rebuke, even from the man she cared
for. She tossed back her head and said, coolly:

"Why shouldn't I let him make love to me if I choose?"

"You know why," exclaimed Norton, his dark face flushing sullenly.
"Because I love you and you love me!" And he seized her and pressed
her to him. "That is why!" he cried, and he kissed her again and
again.

"Yes, I love you, Charlie; you know that," Carolina said, simply. She
was conquered by the Southerner's masterfulness.

"Then why do you stand for that whippersnapper's talk?" asked Norton,
perplexedly.

Carolina laughed.

"Don't you see, Charlie, I have to stand for it? I have to stand for
it for your sake, for Randolph's sake, for my own sake, for all our
sakes. You know the influence he has over father.

"He can make father do anything he wants, and suppose I don't lead him
on? Where's our project? Let him suspect a thing and let him go to
father, and you know what will happen. Father would turn against
that Altacoola scheme in a moment. He'd beggar himself, if it were
necessary, rather than let a single one of us make a dollar out of a
thing he had to decide."

"You're right, I reckon, Carolina," said Norton, dejectedly. "Your
father is a real type of the Southern gentleman. He hasn't seen any
real money in so long he can't even bear to think of it. Somebody's
got to make money out of this, and we should be the ones."

"We'd lose frightfully, Charlie, if they changed to Gulf City,
wouldn't we?" said the girl, apprehensively. "I'm horribly afraid
sometimes, Charlie. That's why I came here to-day. I wanted to
influence Haines, to keep him straight. Is there any danger that
they'll change? You don't think there is, do you?"

"Of course not, child. Stevens has got his money in, and Peabody.
There are only five on the committee. It's bound to go through."

"Then why is father so important to them?" asked Carolina.

"It's past my understanding, Carolina. I don't see how he's done it,
but the whole country has come to believe whatever your father does is
right, and they've got to have him."

"And father is completely under the domination of this secretary,"
murmured the girl, thoughtfully.

Norton nodded.

"We've got to get rid of him, Carolina. That's all there is to it. He
has to go! When it comes to bossing the Senator and making love to
you, too, he's getting too strong."

"How can you do it?" she asked. "You know when father likes any one he
won't believe a thing against him."

Norton agreed, sorrowfully.

"That's right. Seems like the Senator's coming to think more of this
fellow than he does of his own family. Why, I wouldn't be surprised if
he'd even let one of you girls marry him if he wanted to marry you."

"We'