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Title: Life and Travels of Mungo Park in Central Africa

Author: Mungo Park

Release Date: July, 2005 [EBook #8564]
[Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule]
[This file was first posted on July 23, 2003]
[Date last updated: December 5, 2005]

Edition: 10

Language: English

Character set encoding: ASCII

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TRAVELS IN CENTRAL AFRICA ***




Produced by Carlo Traverso, Beginners Projects, Beth Trapaga,
Tonya Allen, Steen Christensen, Thomas Berger, and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team.




TRAVELS IN AFRICA.

       *       *       *       *       *

[Illustration: Mungo Park]

       *       *       *       *       *

LIFE AND TRAVELS OF MUNGO PARK


With a full narrative of

Subsequent Adventure in Central Africa.


[Illustration: The Lion quietly suffered us to pass, though we were
fairly within his reach.]

       *       *       *       *       *

CONTENTS.


INTRODUCTION.

Knowledge of the Ancients concerning Africa. Herodotus. Strabo. The
Arabs. Early discoveries of the Portuguese and English. Ledyard. Lucas.
Houghton. Park's birth and parentage. His education. Serves his
apprenticeship as a surgeon. Sails for Bencoolen. African association
engage Park's services. His preparations and departure.


CHAPTER I.

Park's motives for undertaking the voyage--his instructions and
departure--arrives at Jillifree, on the Gambia River--proceeds to
Vintain. Some account of the Feloops. Proceeds up the river for
Jonkakonda--arrives at Dr. Laidley's. Some account of Pisania, and the
British factory established at that place. The Author's employment during
his stay at Pisania--his sickness and recovery--the country
described--prepares to set out for the interior.


CHAPTER II.

Description of the Feloops, the Jaloffs, the Foulahs, and Mandingoes.
Some account of the trade between the nations of Europe and the natives
of Africa by the way of the Gambia, and between the native inhabitants of
the coast and the nations of the interior countries--their mode of
selling and buying, &c.


CHAPTER III.

The Author sets out from Pisania--his attendants--reaches Jindy. Story
related by a Mandingo Negro. Proceeds to Medina, the capital of Woolli.
Interview with the King. Saphies or charms. Proceeds to Kolor.
Description of Mumbo Jumbo--arrives at Koojar--wrestling match--crosses
the wilderness, and arrives at Tallika, in the Kingdom of Bondou.


CHAPTER IV.

Some account of the inhabitants of Tallika. The Author proceeds for
Fatteconda--incidents on the road. Crosses the Neriko, arrives at
Koorkarany--reaches the River Faleme--Fishery on that river--proceeds
along its banks to Naye or Nayemow--crosses the Faleme, and arrives at
Fatteconda. Has an interview with Almami, the Sovereign of Bondou.
Description of the King's dwelling--has a second interview with the King,
who begs the Author's Coat. Author visits the King's wives--is permitted
to depart on friendly terms. Journey by night--arrives at Joag. Some
account of Bondou and its inhabitants, the Foulahs.


CHAPTER V.

Account of Kajaaga. Serawoollies--their manners and language. Account of
Joag. The Author is ill treated, and robbed of half of his effects, by
order of Batcheri, the king. Charity of a female slave.--The Author is
visited by Demba Sego, nephew of the King of Kasson, who offers to
conduct him in safety to that kingdom. Offer accepted. The Author and his
protector, with a numerous retinue, set out and reach Samee, on the banks
of the Senegal. Proceed to Kayee, and, crossing the Senegal, arrive in
the kingdom of Kasson.


CHAPTER VI.

Arrival at Teesee. Interview with Tiggity Sego, the king's brother. The
Author's detention at Teesee. Some account of that place and its
inhabitants. Incidents which occurred there. Rapacious conduct of Tiggity
Sego toward the Author on his departure. Sets out for Kooniakary, the
capital of the kingdom. Incidents on the road, and arrival at Kooniakary.


CHAPTER VII.

The Author admitted to an audience of the King of Kasson, whom he finds
well disposed towards him. Incidents during the Author's stay at
Kooniakary. Departs thence for Kemmoo, the capital of Kaarta. Is received
with great kindness by the King of Kaarta, who dissuades him from
prosecuting his journey, on account of approaching hostilities with the
King of Bambarra. The Author determines, notwithstanding, to proceed: and
the usual route being obstructed, takes the path to Ludamar, a Moorish
kingdom. Is accommodated by the king with a guide to Jarra, the frontier
town of the Moorish territories; and sets out for that place, accompanied
by three of the king's sons, and 200 horsemen.


CHAPTER VIII.

Journey from Kemmoo to Funingkedy. Some account of the Lotus. A youth
murdered by the Moors--interesting scene at his death. Author passes
through Simbing. Some particulars concerning Major Houghton. Author
reaches Jarra--situation of the surrounding states at the period of his
arrival there, and a brief account of the war between Kaarta and
Bambarra.


CHAPTER IX.

Some account of Jarra, and the Moorish inhabitants. The Author applies
for and obtains permission from Ali, the Moorish chief or sovereign of
Ludamar, to pass through his territories. Departs from Jarra, and arrives
at Deena. Ill treated by the Moors. Proceeds to Sampaka. Finds a Negro
who makes gunpowder. Continues his journey to Samee, where he is seized
by some Moors, who are sent for that purpose by Ali. Is conveyed a
prisoner to the Moorish camp at Benowm, on the borders of the Great
Desert.


CHAPTER X.

Various occurrences during the Author's confinement at Benowm--is visited
by some Moorish ladies. A funeral and wedding. The Author receives an
extraordinary present from the bride. Other circumstances illustrative of
the Moorish character and manners.


CHAPTER XI.

Occurrences at the camp continued. Information collected by the Author
concerning Houssa and Tombuctoo; and the situation of the latter. The
route described from Morocco to Benowm. The Author's distress from
hunger. Ali removes his camp to the northward. The Author is carried
prisoner to the new encampment, and is presented to Queen Fatima. Great
distress from want of water.


CHAPTER XII.

Containing some further miscellaneous reflections on the Moorish
character and manners. Observations concerning the Great Desert, its
animals, wild and domestic.


CHAPTER XIII.

Ali departs for Jarra, and the Author allowed to follow him thither. The
Author's faithful servant, Demba, seized by Ali's order, and sent back
into slavery. Ali returns to his camp, and permits the Author to remain
at Jarra, who, thenceforward, meditates his escape. Daisy, King of
Kaarta, approaching with his army towards Jarra, the inhabitants quit the
town, and the Author accompanies them in their flight. A party of Moors
overtake him at Queira. He gets away from them at daybreak. Is again
pursued by another party, and robbed; but finally effects his escape.


CHAPTER XIV.

The Author feels great joy at his deliverance, and proceeds through the
wilderness; but finds his situation very deplorable. Suffers greatly from
thirst, and faints on the sand.--Recovers, and makes another effort to
push forward. Is providentially relieved by a fall of rain. Arrives at a
Foulah village, where he is refused relief by the Dooty, but obtains food
from a poor woman. Continues his journey through the wilderness, and the
next day lights on another Foulah village, where he is hospitably
received by one of the shepherds. Arrives on the third day at a Negro
town called Wawra, tributary to the King of Bambarra.


CHAPTER XV.

The Author proceeds to Wassiboo. Is joined by some fugitive Kaartans, who
accompany him in his route through Bambarra. Discovers the Niger. Some
account of Sego, the capital of Bambarra. Mansong the king refuses to see
the Author, but sends him a present. Great hospitality of a Negro woman.


CHAPTER XVI.

Departure from Sego, and arrival at Kabba. Description of the shea, or
vegetable butter tree. The Author and his guide arrive at Sansanding.
Behaviour of the Moors at that place. The Author pursues his journey to
the eastward. Incidents on the road. Arrives at Modiboo, and proceeds for
Kea, but obliged to leave his horse by the way. Embarks at Kea in a
fisherman's canoe for Moorzan: is conveyed from thence across the Niger
to Silla--determines to proceed no further eastward. Some account of the
further course of the Niger, and the towns in its vicinage towards the
East.


CHAPTER XVII.

The Author returns westward. Arrives at Modiboo, and recovers his horse.
Finds great difficulty in travelling in consequence of the rains and the
overflowing of the river. Is informed that the King of Bambarra had sent
persons to apprehend him. Avoids Sego, and prosecutes his journey along
the banks of the Niger. Incidents on the road. Cruelties attendant on
African wars. The Author crosses the river Frina, and arrives at Taffara.


CHAPTER XVIII.

Inhospitable reception at Taffara. A Negro funeral at Sooha. The Author
continues his route through several villages along the banks of the
Niger, until he comes to Koolikorro. Supports himself by writing
_saphies_--reaches Maraboo--loses the road; and, after many
difficulties, arrives at Bammakoo. Takes the road for Sibidooloo--meets
with great kindness at a village called Kooma;--is afterwards robbed,
stripped, and plundered by banditti. The Author's resource and
consolation under exquisite distress. He arrives in safety at Sibidooloo.


CHAPTER XIX.

Government of Manding. The Author's reception by the Mansa, or chief man
of Sibidooloo, who takes measures for the recovery of his horse and
effects. The Author removes to Wonda. Great scarcity, and its afflicting
consequences. The Author recovers his horse and clothes. Presents his
horse to the Mansa, and prosecutes his journey to Kamalia. Some account
of that town. The Author's kind reception by Karfa Taura, a slatee, who
proposes to go to the Gambia in the next dry season, with a caravan of
slaves. The Author's sickness, and determination to remain and accompany
Karfa.


CHAPTER XX.

Of the climate and seasons. Winds. Vegetable productions. Population.
General observations on the character and disposition of the Mandingoes;
and a summary account of their manners and habits of life; their
marriages.


CHAPTER XXI.

The account of the Mandingoes continued. Their notions in respect of the
planetary bodies, and the figure of the earth. Their religious opinions,
and belief in a future state. Their diseases and methods of treatment.
Their funeral ceremonies, amusements, occupations, diet, art,
manufactures.


CHAPTER XXII.

Observations concerning the state and sources of slavery in Africa.


CHAPTER XXIII.

Of gold-dust, and the manner in which it is collected. Process of washing
it. Its value in Africa. Of ivory. Surprise of the Negroes at the
eagerness of the Europeans for this commodity. Scattered teeth frequently
picked up in the woods. Mode of hunting the elephant. Some reflections on
the unimproved state of the country, &c.


CHAPTER XXIV.

Transactions at Kamalia resumed. Arabic MSS. in use among the Mahomedan
Negroes. Reflections concerning the conversion and education of the Negro
children. Return of the Author's benefactor, Karfa. Further account of
the purchase and treatment of slaves. Fast of Rhamadan, how observed by
the Negroes. Author's anxiety for the day of departure. The Caravan sets
out. Account of it on its departure, and proceedings on the road, until
its arrival at Kinytakooro.


CHAPTER XXV.

The coffle crosses the Jallonka Wilderness. Miserable fate of one of the
female slaves. Arrives at Sooseeta. Proceeds to Manna. Some account of
the Jallonkas. Crosses the main stream of the Senegal. Bridge of a
singular construction. Arrives at Malacotta. Remarkable conduct of the
King of the Jaloffs.


CHAPTER XXVI.

The caravan proceeds to Konkadoo, and crosses the Faleme River. Its
arrival at Baniserile, Kirwani, and Tambacunda. Incidents on the road. A
matrimonial case. The caravan proceeds through many towns and villages,
and arrives at length on the banks of the Gambia. Passes through Medina,
the capital of Woolli, and finally stops at Jindey. The Author,
accompanied by Karfa, proceeds to Pisania. Various occurrences previous
to his departure from Africa. Takes his passage in an American ship.
Short account of his voyage to Great Britain by way of the West Indies.


CHAPTER XXVII.

Horneman's journey from Egypt to Fezzan. Attempts to penetrate to the
south. Nicholls--Roentgen--Adams.


CHAPTER XXVIII.

Park's arrival at Pisania. Returns to England. Reception from the African
Association. Visits Scotland. Publication of his travels. Popularity of
the work. Settles as a surgeon at Peebles. Proposed Expedition to Africa.
Sir Walter Scott's account of Park. Park's arrangements completed.
Receives his instructions, and sets sail.


CHAPTER XXIX.

Arrival at St. Jago. Reaches Goree. Letters from that place. Arrival at
Kayee--hires a guide, and sets out. Difficulties. Woolo-Bamboo. Tornado.
Sickness of the soldiers. Park's situation. Bambarra. Attacked by lions
at night at Koena. Isaaco attacked by a crocodiles. Depredations of the
natives. Cross the Ba-Woolima, Nummasoolo. Illness of Messrs Scott and
Martyn, and of Mr. Anderson. Reach the Niger at Bambakoo.


CHAPTER XXX.

Distressed state of Park. Mortality in the expedition. Negociations with
Mansong. Interview with Modibinnie. Park's speech. Reaches Sansanding.
Death of Mr. Anderson. Park builds a schooner. Letters from Sansanding.
Departs from Sansanding. Uncertainty respecting his fate. Isaaco's
narrative. Confirmed by subsequent travellers. Account of Park's death.
His character.


CHAPTER XXXI.

Expedition of Tuckey--of Peddie--and Gray.


CHAPTER XXXII.

Major Denham, Captain Clapperton, and Dr. Oudney arrive at Mourzouk.
Boo-Khaloom. The desert. Tibboos and Tuaricks. Lake Tchad. Shiek of
Bornou. Expedition to Mandara. Attack on Dirkulla. Defeat of the army.
Major Denham's escape. Death of Boo-Kaloom. Major Denham visits Loggun.
Fishing on the river Yeou. The Shouaa Arabs. Death of Dr. Oudney. Arrival
at Kano. Sockatoo. Denham and Clapperton return by Kouka.


CHAPTER XXXIII.

Captain Clapperton sets out on a second journey. Death of three principal
members of the expedition. Clapperton and Lander reach Eyeo. Arrive at
Kacunda. Enter the Borgoo country. Lander's escape from Lions. Kiama.
Boussa. Nyffe. Zeg-Zeg. Attack of Coonia. Residence in Sockatoo. Death
and burial of Clapperton. Lander's return.


CHAPTER XXXIV.

Major Laing--his murder. Caillie reaches Timbuctoo. His march across the
Desert.


CHAPTER XXXV.

Richard and John Lander set out. Badagry. Journey to Kiama. African horse
race. Kakafungi. Boussa. Sail up the Niger to Yaoorie. Embark at Boussa.
Island of Zagoshi. Dangerous situation of the travellers. Egga. Hostile
demonstration of the natives. The Landers attacked. Carried to Eboe. King
Obie. Conduct of Captain Lake. Arrive at Fernando Po. Remarks on the
discovery of the Niger's termination.


CHAPTER XXXVI.

Messrs Laird, Oldfield, and Lander, set out in the Quorra and Alburkah.
Attack of the natives. Leave Eboe. Mortality on board the vessels.
Capture of an alligator. Aspect of the Niger near the Kong Mountains. The
Quorra aground. Fundah. Mr. Laird returns to the coast. Richard Lander
wounded. His death. Return of the Alburkah. Conclusion.

       *       *       *       *       *

INTRODUCTION.

_Progress of African Discovery, before Park's first Expedition.--Park's
Early Life._


The first information we have respecting the interior of Africa is
derived from Herodotus, who, during his residence in Egypt, endeavoured
to collect as much intelligence as possible respecting the general aspect
of the country. He describes it as far less fertile than the cultivated
parts of Europe and Asia, and much exposed to drought, with the exception
of a few verdant spots. To the northern coast, he gives the name of the
forehead of Africa; and says that immediately south from it, the
comparative fertility of the soil rapidly decreases. There are natural
hills of salt, out of which the inhabitants scoop houses to shelter
themselves from the weather; rain they have not to fear, as scarcely a
drop ever alights upon that sultry region. Farther south still, there is
no food to support man or beast--neither shrub, nor a single drop of
water; all is silence and utter desolation. Herodotus then proceeds to
relate a number of monstrous fables, which bear an overwhelming
proportion to the parts of his narrative which are now known to be true.
He also describes a large inland river, which some have supposed to be
the Niger, flowing from west to east. He acquired this information from
the reports of various travellers, who stated that after a long journey
to the interior, they had themselves seen it. This account was confirmed
by several other ancient authors; but for a long time the question was
agitated by modern writers as to whether the Gambia or the Senegal was
not the river spoken of; some even denying the existence of the Niger
altogether.

The fables of Herodotus were repeated, with a number of additions, by
Diodorus; but the narrative of Strabo, in regard to the northern and
western coasts, is somewhat more particular and authentic: it adds
nothing, however, to our acquaintance with the interior. The Greeks,
under the government of the Ptolemies, navigated the Red Sea, and carried
on a trade with Egypt; and some settlements were made by them in that
country. Ptolemy Euergetes conquered part of Abyssinia, and established a
kingdom, of which Axum was the metropolis; and remains of Grecian
architecture have since been found in that quarter. To the two districts
we have mentioned, the knowledge which the ancients possessed of Africa
was almost exclusively confined; though Herodotus speaks of two voyages
which had been undertaken with a view to determine the shape of the
continent; but as nothing interesting can be gleaned from his indistinct
narrative, and as the reality even of these voyages has been disputed, it
seems unnecessary to give any account of them.

As in this brief sketch we are to confine ourselves entirely to
discoveries made in the interior of Africa, we shall not mention either
the various voyages made along the shores, or the different settlements
formed upon the coast, as this would lead us far beyond our narrow
limits.

The Arabians were the first who introduced the camel into Africa, an
animal whose strength and swiftness peculiarly suited it for traversing
the immense expanse of burning sands. By means of caravans, the Arabians
were enabled to hold intercourse with the interior, whence they procured
supplies of gold and slaves; and many of them migrated to the south of
the Great Desert. Their number rapidly increased, and being skilled in
the art of war, they soon became the ruling power. They founded several
kingdoms; the principal one, called Gano, soon became the greatest market
for gold, and, under the name of Kano, is still extensive and populous,
being the chief commercial place in the interior of Africa. The Arabian
writers of the twelfth century, give the most gorgeous, and we fear
overrated, accounts of the flourishing state of these kingdoms.

In the fourteenth century, Ibn Batuta, an abridged account of whose
travels has been recently translated by Professor Lee of Cambridge, made
a journey into Central Africa. After having travelled twenty-five days
with a caravan, he came to a place which Major Rennel supposes to be the
modern Tisheet, containing the mine whence Timbuctoo is supplied with
salt. The houses he describes as built of slabs of salt, roofed with
camels' hides. After other twenty days he reached Tashila, three days'
journey from which he entered a dreary desert, where was neither
sustenance nor water, but only plains and hills of sand. Ten days brought
him to Abu Latin, a large commercial town much frequented by merchants.
This place Mr. Murray conjectures to have been Walet, the only large city
in that quarter.

In twenty-four days Ibn Batuta reached Mali, which it has been found
impossible to identify with any modern city. He found a haughty potentate
residing there, whose subjects paid him the greatest deference,
approaching prostrate to the throne, and casting dust upon their heads.
The trees in this neighbourhood were of immense bulk; and in the hollow
cavity of one he saw a weaver carrying on his occupation. Near this he
saw the Niger, but conjectured it to be the Nile, and supposed it to flow
by Timbuctoo, Kakaw, (Kuku), Yuwi, and thence by Nubia to Egypt.

Leo Africanus penetrated into the interior of Africa about two centuries
after Ibn Batuta. From his description, it would appear that the aspect
of Central Africa had considerably changed during this interval.
Timbuctoo was a powerful and opulent kingdom; and Gago (evidently the
Eyeo of Clapperton), and Ghinea, (probably the Jenne of Park), were
flourishing cities. The merchants of Timbuctoo were opulent, and two of
them were married to princesses. Science and literature were cultivated,
and manuscripts bore a high price. The king was wealthy, and maintained
an army of 3000 horse, and a large body of infantry. His courtiers shone
resplendent with gold; his palace, and several of the mosques, were
handsome edifices of stone; but his subjects dwelt in oval huts, formed
of stakes, clay, and reeds.

From this period till the formation of the African Association in 1788,
no certain information was obtained concerning Central Africa. While
British enterprise and courage had made most important discoveries in
every other quarter of the world, the ignorance which prevailed
concerning Africa was felt to be most discreditable. A few
public-spirited individuals, desirous of wiping away this stigma, formed
themselves into an Association, and subscribed the requisite funds for
the purpose of sending out intelligent and courageous travellers upon
this hazardous mission. The management was intrusted to a committee,
consisting of Lord Rawdon, afterwards Marquis of Hastings, Sir Joseph
Banks, the Bishop of Landaff, Mr. Beaufoy, and Mr. Stuart.

The first individual whom they employed was Mr. Ledyard, the greater part
of whose life had been spent in travelling; he had circumnavigated the
globe along with Captain Cook, and had resided for a number of years
among the American Indians. On his return he presented himself to Sir
Joseph Banks, who was at that time anxiously looking out for a fit person
to be sent out under the auspices of the Association. He immediately saw
that Ledyard was a suitable person for them, and introduced him to Mr
Beaufoy, who was much struck with his resolute and determined appearance.
When Ledyard was asked when he could be ready to depart, he replied,
"to-morrow!" Soon after he sailed for Alexandria, intending to proceed
from Cairo to Sennaar, and thence to traverse the breadth of the
continent. While at Cairo, he sent home some excellent observations
concerning Egypt; and announced that his next communication would be
dated from Sennaar. But tidings of his death soon after reached England.
It appeared that some delays in the starting of the caravan which he was
to have accompanied, working on his impatient and restless spirit, had
brought on a bilious distemper, to check which he had applied improper
remedies at the outset, so that the disorder cut him off in spite of the
assistance of the most skilful physicians in Cairo.

The next traveller whom the Association engaged was Mr. Lucas. When a boy,
he had been sent to Cadiz, to be educated as a merchant. On his return he
was taken prisoner by a Sallee rover, and remained three years in
captivity at Morocco. He was afterwards appointed vice-consul at Morocco,
and spent there sixteen years, during which he acquired a great knowledge
of the chief African languages. On his return to England, he was made
oriental interpreter to the British court. Upon his expressing a desire
to set out on a journey in furtherance of the objects of the Association,
his Majesty not only granted his request, but also promised to continue
his salary as oriental interpreter during his absence. He set out by
Tripoli, and obtained from the Bey some promise of assistance. He
likewise made an arrangement with two Shereefs, or followers of the
Prophet, whose persons are held sacred, to join a caravan with which they
travelled. He went with them as far as Mesurata; but the Arabs of the
neighbourhood being in a state of revolt, the party could obtain neither
camels nor guides. Mr. Lucas therefore returned to Tripoli without making
further efforts to penetrate into the interior. He, however, obtained
from one of the Shereefs some particulars respecting the countries to the
south of Tripoli, and a memoir from his notes was drawn up by Mr. Beaufoy,
which, though in many respects imperfect and erroneous, nevertheless
threw a little additional light upon the condition of Africa. No correct
information was obtained concerning the Niger.

Enough of knowledge, however, was possessed to show that the districts
along the Gambia, stretching into the interior, afforded the most direct
method of reaching the Niger, and the countries through which it rolled.
Accordingly this was the route taken by the next adventurer, Major
Houghton, who seemed qualified for the task by the most ardent courage,
and by a considerable acquaintance with the manners both of the Moors and
negroes during his residence as consul at Morocco, and afterwards as
fort-major at Goree. But it would appear that this gallant officer was
strikingly deficient in the prudent and calculating temper which such an
arduous journey demanded. Having set out early in 1791, he speedily
reached Medina, the residence of the king of Wooli, who gave him
information respecting the best route to Timbuctoo, and promised to
furnish him with guides. During his residence Medina was entirely
destroyed by a conflagration, and Major Houghton was forced, along with
the inhabitants, to flee into the fields, carrying with him only a few
such articles as he could hastily snatch up. Thence he journeyed on to
Bambouk, and after crossing the Faleme arrived at Ferbanna, where the
king sent a guide along with him, and likewise furnished him with money
to defray the expenses of the journey. He was imprudent enough to carry
with him a quantity of merchandise, and thereby excited the cupidity off
the natives, with whom he was engaged in constant disputes. After a
complication of difficulties, he took a northern route, intending to
penetrate through Ludamar. The last intelligence received from him was
dated from Simbing, the frontier village of this state, and was merely
comprised in the following brief note, addressed to Dr. Laidley of
Pisania:--"Major Houghton's compliments to Dr. Laidley, is in good
health, on his way to Timbuctoo; robbed of all his goods by Fenda Bucar's
son." Soon after this, rumours of his death reached Pisania; but the
particulars were not known till Mr. Park's return, who brought certain
intelligence. It appeared that at Jarra he had engaged some Moorish
merchants to accompany him. They persuaded him to go to Tisheet, a place
frequented for its salt mines, without informing him that it was much out
of the direct road to Timbuctoo, intending to rob him by the way. In a
few days he suspected their treachery, and resolved to return to Jarra,
but, upon refusing to advance, he was stripped of every article, and then
deserted. He wandered about the desert, alone, and famishing, till,
utterly exhausted, he lay down under a tree and expired.

The next person who offered his services to the Association was Mungo
Park, who has acquired such celebrity by the important acquisitions which
he made to African Geography. As introductory to the narrative of his
first expedition, we present our readers with a brief sketch of his early
life.


PARK'S EARLY LIFE.

Mungo Park, the celebrated African traveller, was born at Fowlshiels,
near the town of Selkirk, on the 10th September 1771. His father was a
respectable farmer on the Duke of Buccleuch's estate; and his mother, the
daughter of a neighbouring farmer of the name of Hislop, a woman of great
good sense and prudence, who anxiously and faithfully discharged the
duties which she owed to a large family of thirteen children, of whom
Mungo, the subject of this memoir, was the seventh. Park's father died
before his son had won that renown which so honourably distinguishes his
name, though not without the satisfaction of witnessing a fair promise of
his future distinction; but his mother, after hearing with much pride of
her offspring's early achievements, had to lament his untimely fate;
consoled, however, by the recollection of his unblemished character, and
virtuous conduct, and by the thought of the legacy of fame which he had
bequeathed, not to his family alone, but to his country.

With a solicitude for the education of his children, then by no means
common among the Scottish farmers, Mr. Park hired a tutor to superintend
their education, being anxious not to leave them to such chance
instruction as they might receive before they were of a proper age for
going to school; thus shewing that he was alive to the advantage of early
habits of application and study. The boyhood of Mungo Park was not
distinguished by any marks of peculiar talent, though he appears, when
sent to Selkirk school, to have paid more than an average share of
attention to his studies. Of a thoughtful and reserved disposition, he
seldom took a share in the mirthful sports of his school-fellows. He was
fond of reading and solitude, often wandering for hours among the hills,
and along the banks of his native Yarrow. The legends of border chivalry,
many of which still lingered in the district, had not been poured into an
unwilling ear; they made a strong impression upon his imagination, and
probably contributed, in no inconsiderable degree, to fire his spirit,
and excite that love of adventure which so strongly marked his future
life. Moreover, occasional gleams of ambition broke forth from amid his
quiet thoughtfulness, which shewed, that beneath a cold exterior there
lurked a mind of no ordinary cast. This constitutional reserve made him
select in his choice of friends, but with those to whom he granted the
privilege of intimacy, he was all confidence and frankness.

The limited cost of an education for the Church of Scotland renders it an
object of ambition to many in the middle ranks of life; and the parents
of Mungo Park, judging that his peculiar disposition fitted him for the
ministry, were anxious that he should enter upon the initiatory course of
education. Park, however, manifested a decided repugnance to this choice,
and resolved upon qualifying himself for the medical profession.
Accordingly, at the age of fifteen, he was bound apprentice to Mr. Thomas
Anderson, a respectable surgeon in Selkirk, with whom he remained for the
space of three years, during which, at leisure hours, he continued to
prosecute his classical studies, and also acquired a knowledge of the
elementary principles of mathematics. Mr. Anderson's practice, which was
pretty extensive, enabled him to obtain a considerable acquaintance of
the rudiments of his profession, and formed a suitable preparation for
his academical studies. In the year 1789, he removed to Edinburgh, and
attended the usual course of lectures for three successive sessions.
Though a persevering and attentive student, he does not seem to have
manifested much love for the healing art. Botany was his favourite study,
which he pursued with much ardour during the summer months. And,
fortunately, his brother-in-law, Mr. James Dickson, who published an
elaborate work on the _Cryptogamic_ plants, was well calculated to aid
him in this pursuit. This meritorious individual had in early life
removed to London, and for some time followed the humble occupation of a
working gardener. Having distinguished himself by a diligent and zealous
discharge of the duties of his calling, he attracted the notice of Sir
Joseph Banks, who, ever anxious to reward merit, generously opened to him
his library. Of this privilege Mr. Dickson availed himself so
successfully, that he soon distinguished himself as a botanist, and
enlarged materially the boundaries of the science. But, with rare
prudence, he still carried on his original business as a seeds man, while
he lived on terms of intimacy and friendship with many of the most
distinguished literary characters of his time.

With Mr. Dickson young Park made a summer ramble through the Highlands,
principally for the sake of adding to his botanical treasures, and, under
under the guidance of his relative, pursued enthusiastically his
favourite science. After Park had completed his medical studies, Mr
Dickson advised him to go to London, in search of professional
employment, in the expectation of advancing his prospects, through the
interest of his scientific acquaintance. Nor was he disappointed in this
hope, for, through Sir Joseph Banks's recommendation, he obtained the
appointment of assistant surgeon to the Worcester East Indiaman. He
sailed in February 1792; and after a voyage to Bencoolen, in the island
of Sumatra, returned to England in the following year. No incident of
importance occurred during this voyage, but Mr. Park made some collections
in botany and natural history, which were submitted to the Linnaean
Society, and an account of them printed in the third volume of their
Transactions.

It does not appear whether Park had come to any determinate conclusion to
quit the company's service; at all events, he continued to shew a decided
preference for studies in natural history; and the circle of
acquaintances to which Sir Joseph Banks had introduced him after his
return to England, contributed much to strengthen this preference. At
this time, no doubt, he was disposed, upon a suitable opening being
presented, to free himself from the duties of his profession, and enter
upon some more congenial employment. His mind was soon to be directed to
loftier objects--to scenes of stirring interest and varied adventure--to
an enterprise for which he was well qualified by his enthusiastic zeal
for discovery, his scientific acquirements, vigorous constitution, and
patient and persevering disposition. The African Association, consisting
of a number of individuals distinguished by their ardent zeal for the
promotion of geographical discovery in the unknown regions of that vast
continent, had been formed a few years before this period. Their
investigations had brought to light some leading facts relative to
Northern Africa; and with the assistance of Major Rennel, they were
endeavouring to lay down as accurately as possible upon the map, the
principal geographical outlines. But they were most anxious to acquire
correct information concerning the river Joliba, or Niger, and also to
collect some particulars concerning the interior of the country. Under
their auspices several travellers had already gone forth, who had either
fallen victims to the climate, or been murdered by the natives;--and
recent intelligence had been brought to England of the death of Major
Houghton, who had set out with the intention of penetrating to Timbuctoo
and Houssa. Deterred by his fate, no individual for a considerable period
seemed willing to undertake the mission, though liberal offers of
compensation had been made. Here was the very enterprise which possessed
irresistible charms for Park's romantic and daring mind: in him the
Association found an individual well qualified for the task. They were
fully satisfied with the answers which he gave to all their inquiries:
his mind had been already directed towards geographical research; he had
the matured strength of manhood, and his constitution had in some
measure, been inured to a hot climate; his medical knowledge would not
only contribute to the preservation of his own health, but would also
secure him the respect and veneration of the natives. At the commencement
of his narrative, he relates the feelings which animated him in deciding
on this perilous journey. The prospects of personal advantage held out,
even should he prove successful, were so inconsiderable, that in his
acceptance of the offer, he was evidently actuated by an ardent desire of
adding to the slender knowledge possessed of that interesting country, as
well as by the hope of having his name joined to the list of those who
have distinguished themselves by active enterprise.

A considerable time elapsed ere everything was ready for his departure;
and two years had passed away since his return from India. During that
period, with the exception of a short visit paid to his friends in
Scotland, he had chiefly resided in London; partly engaged with his
favourite studies, and enjoying the pleasures of cultivated society; but
devoting his chief time and attention to acquiring the knowledge, and
superintending the preparations necessary for his journey. At length he
received his final instructions from the Association, and set sail from
Portsmouth, on the 22d of May 1795, on board the Endeavour, an African
trader, bound for the Gambia, where he arrived on the 21st of the
following month. He was furnished with a letter of recommendation to Dr.
Laidley, who resided at the English factory of Pisania, on the Gambia,
and on whom he had a letter of credit for L. 200.

In the reprint which follows, the reader will find, in Mr. Park's own
words, a full narrative of the various incidents which befel him during
this eventful journey.

       *       *       *       *       *

[Illustration: Map of Park's Travels in Africa with the Course of the
Niger.]

       *       *       *       *       *

TRAVELS IN THE INTERIOR OF AFRICA.




CHAPTER I.

_The author's motives for undertaking the voyage--his instructions and
departure--arrives at Jillifree, on the Gambia River--proceeds to
Vintain,--Some account of the Feloops.--Proceeds up the river for
Jonkakonda--arrives at Dr. Laidley's.--Some account of Pisania, and the
British factory established at that place.--The Author's employment
during his stay at Pisania--his sickness and recovery--the country
described--prepares to set out for the interior._


Soon after my return from the East Indies, in 1793, having learned that
the noblemen and gentlemen, associated for the purpose of prosecuting
Discoveries in the Interior of Africa, were desirous of engaging a person
to explore that continent by the way of the Gambia River, I took
occasion, through means of the President of the Royal Society, to whom I
had the honour to be known, of offering myself for that service; I had
been informed, that a gentleman of the name of Houghton, a captain in the
army, and formerly fort-major at Goree, had already sailed to the Gambia,
under the direction of the association, and that there was reason to
apprehend he had fallen a sacrifice to the climate, or perished in some
contest with the natives; but this intelligence, instead of deterring me
from my purpose, animated me to persist in the offer of my services with
the greater solicitude. I had a passionate desire to examine into the
productions of a country so little known, and to become experimentally
acquainted with the modes of life and character of the natives. I knew
that I was able to bear fatigue, and I relied on my youth, and the
strength of my constitution, to preserve me from the effects of the
climate. The salary which the committee allowed was sufficiently large,
and I made no stipulation for future reward. If I should perish in my
journey, I was willing that my hopes and expectations should perish with
me; and if I should succeed in rendering the geography of Africa more
familiar to my countrymen, and in opening to their ambition and industry
new sources of wealth, and new channels of commerce, I knew that I was in
the hands of men of honour, who would not fail to bestow that
remuneration which my successful services should appear to them to merit.
The Committee of the Association, having made such inquiries as they
thought necessary, declared themselves satisfied with the qualifications
that I possessed, and accepted me for the service; and with that
liberality which on all occasions distinguishes their conduct, gave me
every encouragement which it was in their power to grant, or which I
could with propriety ask.

It was at first proposed that I should accompany Mr. James Willis, who was
then recently appointed Consul at Senegambia, and whose countenance in
that capacity it was thought might have served and protected me; but
Government afterwards rescinded his appointment, and I lost that
advantage. The kindness of the Committee, however, supplied all that was
necessary. Being favoured by the Secretary of the Association, the late
Henry Beaufoy, Esq. with a recommendation to Dr. John Laidley, (a
gentleman who had resided many years at an English factory on the banks
of the Gambia,) and furnished with a letter of credit on him for L.200, I
took my passage in the brig Endeavour, a small vessel trading to the
Gambia for bees-wax and ivory, commanded by Captain Richard Wyatt, and I
became impatient for my departure.

My instructions were very plain and concise. I was directed, on my
arrival in Africa, "to pass on to the river Niger, either by the way of
Bambouk, or by such other route as should be found most convenient: That
I should ascertain the course, and, if possible, the rise and termination
of that river. That I should use my utmost exertions to visit the
principal towns, or cities in its neighbourhood, particularly Tombuctoo
and Houssa; and that I should be afterwards at liberty to return to
Europe, either by the way of the Gambia, or by such other route as, under
all the then existing circumstances of my situation and prospects, should
appear to me to be most advisable."

We sailed from Portsmouth on the 22d day of May 1795. On the 4th of June
we saw the mountains over Mogadore, on the coast of Africa, and on the
21st of the same month, after a pleasant voyage of thirty days, we
anchored at Jillifree, a town on the northern bank of the river Gambia,
opposite to James' Island, where the English had formerly a small port.

The kingdom of Barra, in which the town of Jillifree is situated,
produces great plenty of the necessaries of life; but the chief trade of
the inhabitants is in salt; which commodity they carry up the river in
canoes as high as Barraconda, and bring down in return Indian corn,
cotton cloths, elephants' teeth, small quantities of gold dust. The
number of canoes and people constantly employed in this trade, make the
King of Barra more formidable to Europeans than any other chieftain on
the river; and this circumstance probably encouraged him to establish
those exorbitant duties, which traders of all nations are obliged to pay
at entry, amounting to nearly L. 20 on every vessel, great and small.
These duties, or customs, are generally collected in person by the
Alkaid, or governor of Jillifree, and he is attended on these occasions
by a numerous train of dependants, among whom are found many who, by
their frequent intercourse with the English, have acquired a smattering
of our language; but they are commonly very noisy, and very troublesome;
begging for every thing they fancy with such earnestness and importunity,
that traders, in order to get quit of them, are frequently obliged to
grant their requests.

On the 23d we departed from Jillifree, and proceeded to Vintain, a town
situated about two miles up a creek on the southern side of the river.
This is much resorted to by Europeans, on account of the great quantities
of bees-wax which are brought hither--for sale: the wax is collected in
the woods by the Feloops, a wild and unsociable race of people; their
country, which is of considerable extent, abounds in rice; and the
natives supply the traders, both on the Gambia and Cassamansa rivers,
with that article, and also with goats and poultry, on very reasonable
terms. The honey which they collect is chiefly used by themselves in
making a strong intoxicating liquor, much the same as the mead which is
produced from honey in Great Britain.

In their traffic with Europeans, the Feloops generally employ a factor or
agent, of the Mandingo nation, who speaks a little English, and is
acquainted with the trade of the river. This broker makes the bargain;
and, with the connivance of the European, receives a certain part only of
the payment, which he gives to his employer as the whole; the remainder
(which is very truly called the cheating money) he receives when the
Feloop is gone, and appropriates to himself, as a reward for his trouble.

The language of the Feloops is appropriate and peculiar; and as their
trade is chiefly conducted, as hath been observed, by Mandingoes, the
Europeans have no inducement to learn it. The numerals are as follow:

    One ......... _Enory_.
    Two ......... _Sickaba_, or _Cookaba_.
    Three ....... _Sisajee_.
    Four ........ _Sibakeer_.
    Five ........ _Footuck_.
    Six ......... _Footuck-Enory_.
    Seven ....... _Footuck-Cookaba_.
    Eight ....... _Footuck-Sisajee_.
    Nine ........ _Footuck-Sibakeer_.
    Ten ......... Sibankonyen.

On the 26th we left Vintain, and continued our course up the river,
anchoring whenever the tide failed us, and frequently towing the vessel
with the boat. The river is deep and muddy; the banks are covered with
impenetrable thickets of mangrove; and the whole of the adjacent country
appears to be flat and swampy.

The Gambia abounds with fish, some species of which are excellent food;
but none of them that I recollect are known in Europe. At the entrance
from the sea, sharks are found in great abundance; and higher up,
alligators and the hippopotamus (or river-horse) are very numerous. The
latter might with more propriety be called the river-elephant, being of
an enormous and unwieldy bulk, and its teeth furnish good ivory. This
animal is amphibious, with short and thick legs, and cloven hoofs: it
feeds on grass, and such shrubs as the banks of the river afford, boughs
of trees, seldom venturing far from the water, in which it seeks refuge
on hearing the approach of man. I have seen many, and always found them
of a timid and inoffensive disposition.

In six days after leaving Vintain, we reached Jonkakonda, a place of
considerable trade, where our vessel was to take in part of her lading.
The next morning, the several European traders came from their different
factories to receive their letters and learn the nature and amount of the
cargo; and the captain dispatched a messenger to Dr. Laidley to inform him
of my arrival. He came to Jonkakonda the morning following, when I
delivered him Mr. Beaufoy's letter, and he gave me a kind invitation to
spend my time at his house until an opportunity should offer of
prosecuting my journey. This invitation was too acceptable to be refused,
and being furnished by the Doctor with a horse and guide, I set out from
Jonkakonda at daybreak on the 5th of July, and at eleven o'clock arrived
at Pisania, where I was accommodated with a room and other conveniences
in the Doctor's house.

Pisania is a small village in the King of Yany's dominions, established
by British subjects as a factory for trade, and inhabited solely by them
and their black servants. It is situated on the banks of the Gambia,
sixteen miles above Jonkakonda. The white residents, at the time of my
arrival there, consisted only of Dr. Laidley and two gentlemen who were
brothers, of the name of Ainsley; but their domestics were numerous. They
enjoyed perfect security under the king's protection, and being highly
esteemed and respected by the natives at large, wanted no accommodation
or comfort which the country could supply; and the greatest part of the
trade in slaves, ivory, and gold, was in their hands.

Being now settled for some time at my ease, my first object was to learn
the Mandingo tongue, being the language in almost general use throughout
this part of Africa; and without which I was fully convinced that I never
could acquire an extensive knowledge of the country or its inhabitants.
In this pursuit I was greatly assisted by Dr. Laidley, who, by a long
residence in the country, and constant intercourse with the natives, had
made himself completely master of it. Next to the language, my great
object was to collect information concerning the countries I intended to
visit. On this occasion I was referred to certain traders called Slatees.
These are free black merchants, of great consideration in this part of
Africa, who come down from the interior countries chiefly with enslaved
negroes for sale; but I soon discovered that very little dependance could
be placed on the accounts they gave; for they contradicted each other in
the most important particulars, and all of them seemed extremely
unwilling that I should prosecute my journey. These circumstances
increased my anxiety to ascertain the truth from my own personal
observations.

In researches of this kind, and in observing the manners and customs of
the natives, in a country so little known to the nations of Europe, and
furnished with so many striking and uncommon objects of nature, my time
passed not unpleasantly; and I began to flatter myself that I had escaped
the fever, or seasoning, to which Europeans, on their first arrival in
hot climates, are generally subject. But, on the 3d of July, I
imprudently exposed myself to the night dew, in observing an eclipse of
the moon, with a view to determine the longitude of the place; the next
day I found myself attacked with a smart fever and delirium; and such an
illness followed, as confined me to the house during the greatest part of
August. My recovery was very slow; but I embraced every short interval of
convalescence to walk out and make myself acquainted with the productions
of the country. In one of those excursions, having rambled farther than
usual, in a hot day, I brought on a return of my fever, and on the 10th
of September I was again confined to my bed. The fever, however, was not
so violent as before; and in the course of three weeks I was able, when
the weather would permit, to renew my botanical excursions; and when it
rained, I amused myself with drawing plants, in my chamber. The care and
attention of Dr. Laidley contributed greatly to alleviate my sufferings;
his company and conversation beguiled the tedious hours during that
gloomy season, when the rain falls in torrents; when suffocating heats
oppress by day, and when the night is spent by the terrified traveller in
listening to the croaking of frogs, (of which the numbers are beyond
imagination,) the shrill cry of the jackal, and the deep howling of the
hyaena; a dismal concert, interrupted only by the roar of such tremendous
thunder as no person can form a conception of but those who have heard
it.

The country itself being an immense level, and very generally covered
with woods, presents a tiresome, and gloomy uniformity to the eye; but
although nature has denied to the inhabitants the beauties of romantic
landscapes, she has bestowed on them, with a liberal hand, the more
important blessings of fertility and abundance. A little attention to
cultivation procures a sufficiency of corn; the fields afford a rich
pasturage for cattle; and the natives are plentifully supplied with
excellent fish, both from the Gambia river and the Walli creek.

The grains which are chiefly cultivated are Indian corn, (_zea mays;_)
two kinds of _holcus spicatus_, called by the natives _soono_ and
_sanio_; _holcus niger_, and _holcus bicolor_; the former of which they
have named _bassi woolima_, and the latter _bassiqui_. These, together
with rice, are raised in considerable quantities; besides which, the
inhabitants in the vicinity of the towns and villages have gardens which
produce onions, calavances, yams, cassavi, ground-nuts, pompions, gourds,
water melons, and some other esculent plants.

I observed, likewise, near the towns, small patches of cotton and indigo.
The former of these articles supplies them with clothing, and with the
latter, they dye their cloth of an excellent blue colour, in a manner
that will hereafter be described.

In preparing their corn for food, the natives use a large wooden mortar
called a _paloon_, in which they bruise the seed until it parts with the
outer covering, or husk, which is then separated from the clean corn, by
exposing it to the wind; nearly in the same manner as wheat is cleared
from the chaff in England. The corn, thus freed from the husk, is
returned to the mortar, and beaten into meal; which is dressed variously
in different countries; but the most common preparation of it among the
nations of the Gambia is a sort of pudding, which they call _kouskous_.
It is made by first moistening the flour with water, and then stirring
and shaking it about in a large calabash, or gourd, till it adheres
together in small granules, resembling sago. It is then put into an
earthen pot, whose bottom is perforated with a number of small holes; and
this pot being placed upon another, the two vessels are luted together,
either with a paste of meal and water, or with cow's dung, and placed
upon the fire. In the lower vessel is commonly some animal food and
water, the steam or vapour of which ascends through the perforations in
the bottom of the upper vessel, and softens and prepares the _kouskous_,
which is very much esteemed throughout all the countries that I visited.
I am informed, that the same manner of preparing flour is very generally
used on the Barbary coast, and that the dish so prepared is there called
by the same name. It is therefore probable, that the Negroes borrowed the
practice from the Moors.

For gratifying a taste for variety, another sort of pudding, called
_nealing_, is sometimes prepared from the meal of corn; and they have
also adopted two or three different modes of dressing their rice. Of
vegetable food, therefore, the natives have no want, and although the
common class of people are but sparingly supplied with animal food, yet
this article is not wholly withheld from them.

Their domestic animals are nearly the same as in Europe. Swine are found
in the woods, but their flesh is not esteemed; probably the marked
abhorrence in which this animal is held by the votaries of Mahomet has
spread itself among the Pagans. Poultry of all kinds (the turkey
excepted) is every where to be had. The Guinea fowl and red partridge
abound in the fields; and the woods furnish a small species of antelope,
of which the venison is highly and deservedly prized.

Of the other wild animals in the Mandingo countries, the most common are
the hyaena, the panther, and the elephant. Considering the use that is
made of the latter in the East Indies, it may be thought extraordinary,
that the natives of Africa have not, in any part of this immense
continent, acquired the skill of taming this powerful and docile
creature, and applying his strength and faculties to the service of man.
When I told some of the natives that this was actually done in the
countries of the East, my auditors laughed me to scorn, and exclaimed,
_Tobaubo fonnio!_ (a white man's lie.) The Negroes frequently find means
to destroy the elephant by fire-arms; they hunt it principally for the
sake of the teeth, which they transfer in barter to those who sell them
again to the Europeans. The flesh they eat, and consider it as a great
delicacy.

The usual beast of burthen in all the Negro territories is the ass. The
application of animal labour to the purposes of agriculture is no where
adopted; the plough, therefore, is wholly unknown. The chief implement
used in husbandry is the hoe, which varies in form in different
districts; and the labour is universally performed by slaves.

On the 6th of October the waters of the Gambia were at the greatest
height, being fifteen feet above the high-water-mark of the tide; after
which they began to subside; at first slowly, but afterwards very
rapidly; sometimes sinking more than a foot in twenty-four hours; by the
beginning of November the river had sunk to its former level, and the
tide ebbed and flowed as usual. When the river had subsided, and the
atmosphere grew dry, I recovered apace, and began to think of my
departure; for this is reckoned the most proper season for travelling;
the natives had completed their harvest, and provisions were every where
cheap and plentiful.

Dr. Laidley was at this time employed in a trading voyage at Jonkakonda. I
wrote to him to desire that he would use his interest with the slatees,
or slave-merchants, to procure me the company and protection of the first
_coffle_ (or caravan) that might leave Gambia for the interior country;
and in the meantime I requested him to purchase for me a horse and two
asses. A few days afterwards the Doctor returned to Pisania, and informed
me that a coffle would certainly go for the interior in the course of the
dry season; but that as many of the merchants belonging to it had not yet
completed their assortment of goods, he could not say at what time they
would set out.

As the characters and dispositions of the slatees, and people that
composed the caravan, were entirely unknown to me, and as they seemed
rather averse to my purpose, and unwilling to enter into any positive
engagements on my account; and the time of their departure being withal
very uncertain, I resolved, on further deliberation, to avail myself of
the dry season, and proceed without them.

Dr. Laidley approved my determination, and promised me every assistance in
his power, to enable me to prosecute my journey with comfort and safety.

This resolution having been formed, I made preparations accordingly. And
now, being about to take leave of my hospitable friend, (whose kindness
and solicitude continued to the moment of my departure,[1]) and to quit,
for many months, the countries bordering on the Gambia, it seems proper,
before I proceed with my narrative, that I should, in this place, give
some account of the several Negro nations which inhabit the banks of this
celebrated river, and the commercial intercourse that subsists between
them, and such of the nations of Europe as find their advantage in
trading to this part of Africa. The observations which have occurred to
me on both these subjects will be found in the following chapter.

  [1] Dr. Laidley, to my infinite regret, has since paid the debt of
    nature. He left Africa in the latter end of 1797, intending to return
    to Great Britain by way of the West Indies; and died soon after his
    arrival at Barbadoes.




CHAPTER II.

_Description of the Feloops, the Jaloffs, the Foulahs, and
Mandingoes.--Some account of the trade between the nations of Europe and
the natives of Africa by the way of the Gambia, and between the native
inhabitants of the coast and the nations of the interior countries--their
mode of selling and buying._


The natives of the countries bordering on the Gambia, though distributed
into a great many distinct governments, may, I think, be divided into
four great classes; the Feloops, the Jaloffs, the Foulahs, and the
Mandingoes. Among all these nations, the religion of Mahomet has made,
and continues to make, considerable progress; but in most of them, the
body of the people, both free and enslaved, persevere in maintaining the
blind but harmless superstitions of their ancestors, and are called by
the Mahomedans _kafirs_, or infidels.

Of the Feloops, I have little to add to what has been observed concerning
them in the former chapter. They are of a gloomy disposition, and are
supposed never to forgive an injury. They are even said to transmit their
quarrels as deadly feuds to their posterity; insomuch that a son
considers it as incumbent on him, from a just sense of filial obligation,
to become the avenger of his deceased father's wrongs. If a man loses his
life in one of those sudden quarrels, which perpetually occur at their
feasts, when the whole party is intoxicated with mead, his son, or the
eldest of his sons, (if he has more than one,) endeavours to procure his
father's sandals, which he wears _once a year_, on the anniversary of his
father's death, until a fit opportunity offers of avenging his fate, when
the object of his resentment seldom escapes his pursuit. This fierce and
unrelenting disposition is, however, counterbalanced by many good
qualities; they display the utmost gratitude and affection towards their
benefactors; and the fidelity with which they preserve whatever is
entrusted to them is remarkable. During the present war they have, more
than once, taken up arms to defend our merchant vessels from French
privateers; and English property, of considerable value, has frequently
been left at Vintain, for a long time, entirely under the care of the
Feloops, who have uniformly manifested on such occasions the strictest
honesty and punctuality. How greatly is it to be wished, that the minds
of a people so determined and faithful, could be softened and civilized
by the mild and benevolent spirit of Christianity!

The Jaloffs (or Yaloffs) are an active, powerful, and warlike race,
inhabiting great part of that tract which lies between the river Senegal
and the Mandingo States on the Gambia; yet they differ from the
Mandingoes, not only in language, but likewise in complexion and
features. The noses of the Jaloffs are not so much depressed, nor the
lips so protuberant, as among the generality of Africans; and although
their skin is of the deepest black, they are considered by the white
traders as the most sightly Negroes in this part of the Continent.

They are divided into several independent states or kingdoms; which are
frequently at war either with their neighbours, or with each other. In
their manners, superstitions, and government, however, they have a
greater resemblance to the Mandingoes (of whom I shall presently speak)
than to any other nation; but excel them in the manufacture of cotton
cloth, spinning the wool to a finer thread, weaving it in a broader loom,
and dyeing it of a better colour.

Their language is said to be copious and significant; and is often
learned by Europeans trading to Senegal. I cannot say much of it from my
own knowledge; but have preserved their numerals, which are these:

    One       .........   _Wean_.
    Two       .........   _Yar_.
    Three     .........   _Yat_.
    Four      .........   _Yanet_.
    Five      .........   _Judom_.
    Six       .........   _Judom Wean_.
    Seven     .........   _Judom Yar_.
    Eight     .........   _Judom Yat_.
    Nine      .........   _Judom Yanet_.
    Ten       .........   _Fook_.
    Eleven    .........   _Fook aug Wean_, &c.

The Foulahs, (or Pholeys,) such of them at least as reside near the
Gambia, are chiefly of a tawny complexion, with soft silky hair, and
pleasing features. They are much attached to a pastoral life, and have
introduced themselves into all the kingdoms on the windward coast as
herdsmen and husbandmen, paying a tribute to the sovereign of the country
for the lands which they hold. Not having many opportunities, however,
during my residence at Pisania, of improving my acquaintance with these
people, I defer entering at large into their character, until a fitter
occasion occurs, which will present itself when I come to Bondou.

The Mandingoes, of whom it remains to speak, constitute in truth the bulk
of the inhabitants in all those districts of Africa which I visited; and
their language, with a few exceptions, is universally understood and very
generally spoken in that part of the continent. Their numerals are
these:[2]

    One       .........   _Killin_.
    Two       .........   _Foola_.
    Three     .........   _Sabba_.
    Four      .........   _Nani_.
    Five      .........   _Looloo_.
    Six       .........   _Woro_.
    Seven     .........   _Oronglo_.
    Eight     .........   _Sie_.
    Nine      .........   _Conunta_.
    Ten       .........   _Tang_.
    Eleven    .........   _Tan ning killin_, &c.

  [2] In the Travels of Francis Moore the reader will find a pretty
    copious vocabulary of the Mandingo language, which in general is
    correct.

They are called Mandingoes, I conceive, as having originally migrated
from the interior state of Manding, of which some account will hereafter
be given; but, contrary to the present constitution of their parent
country, which is republican, it appeared to me that the government in
all the Mandingo states, near the Gambia, is monarchical. The power of
the sovereign is, however, by no means unlimited. In all affairs of
importance, the king calls an assembly of the principal men, or elders,
by whose councils he is directed, and without whose advice he can neither
declare war nor conclude peace.

In every considerable town there is a chief magistrate, called the
_Alkaid_, whose office is hereditary, and whose business it is to
preserve order, to levy duties on travellers, and to preside at all
conferences in the exercise of local jurisdiction and the administration
of justice. These courts are composed of the elders of the town, (of free
condition,) and are termed _palavers_; and their proceedings are
conducted in the open air with sufficient solemnity. Both sides of a
question are freely canvassed, witnesses are publicly examined, and the
decisions which follow generally meet with the approbation of the
surrounding audience.

As the Negroes have no written language of their own, the general rule of
decision is an appeal to _ancient custom_; but since the system of
Mahomet has made so great progress among them, the converts to that faith
have gradually introduced, with the religious tenets, many of the civil
institutions of the Prophet; and where the Koran is not found
sufficiently explicit, recourse is had to a commentary called _Al
Sharru_, containing, as I was told, a complete exposition or digest of
the Mahomedan laws, both civil and criminal, properly arranged and
illustrated.

This frequency of appeal to written laws, with which the Pagan natives
are necessarily unacquainted, has given rise in their palavers to (what I
little expected to find in Africa) professional advocates, or expounders
of the law, who are allowed to appear and to plead for plaintiff or
defendant, much in the same manner as counsel in the law courts of Great
Britain. They are Mahomedan Negroes who have made, or affect to have
made, the laws of the Prophet their peculiar study; and if I may judge
from their harangues, which I frequently attended, I believe that in the
forensic qualifications of procrastination and cavil, and the arts of
confounding and perplexing a cause, they are not always surpassed by the
ablest pleaders in Europe. While I was at Pisania a cause was heard which
furnished the Mahomedan lawyers with an admirable opportunity of
displaying their professional dexterity. The case was this: An ass
belonging to a Serawoolli Negro (a native of an interior country near the
River Senegal) had broke into a field of corn belonging to one of the
Mandingo inhabitants, and destroyed great part of it. The Mandingo having
caught the animal in his field, immediately drew his knife and cut its
throat. The Serawoolli thereupon called a _palaver_ (or in European
terms, _brought an action_) to recover damages for the loss of his beast,
on which he set a high value. The defendant confessed he had killed the
ass, but pleaded a _set-off_, insisting that the loss he had sustained by
the ravage in his corn was equal to the sum demanded for the animal. To
ascertain this fact was the point at issue, and the learned advocates
contrived to puzzle the cause in such a manner, that, after a hearing of
three days, the court broke up without coming to any determination upon
it; and a second palaver was, I suppose, thought necessary.

The Mandingoes, generally speaking, are of a mild, sociable, and obliging
disposition. The men are commonly above the middle size, well shaped,
strong, and capable of enduring great labour; the women are good-natured,
sprightly, and agreeable. The dress of both sexes is composed of cotton
cloth, of their own manufacture; that of the men is a loose frock, not
unlike a surplice, with drawers which reach half way down the leg; and
they wear sandals on their feet, and white cotton caps on their heads.
The women's dress consists of two pieces of cloth, each of which they
wrap round the waist, which, hanging down to the ancles, answers the
purpose of a petticoat: the other is thrown negligently over the bosom
and shoulders.

This account of their clothing is indeed nearly applicable to the natives
of all the different countries in this part of Africa; a peculiar
national mode is observable only in the head dresses of the women.

Thus, in the countries of the Gambia, the females wear a sort of bandage,
which they call _Jalla_. It is a narrow stripe of cotton cloth, wrapped
many times round, immediately over the forehead. In Bondou the head is
encircled with strings of white beads, and a small plate of gold is worn
in the middle of the forehead. In Kasson, the ladies decorate their
heads, in a very tasteful and elegant manner, with white sea-shells. In
Kaarta and Ludamar, the women raise their hair to a great height by the
addition of a pad, (as the ladies did formerly in Great Britain,) which
they decorate with a species of coral, brought from the Red Sea by
pilgrims returning from Mecca, and sold at a great price.

In the construction of their dwelling-houses, the Mandingoes also conform
to the general practice of the African nations on this part of the
continent, contenting themselves with small and incommodious hovels. A
circular mud wall about four feet high, upon which is placed a conical
roof, composed of the bamboo cane, and thatched with grass, forms alike
the palace of the king, and the hovel of the slave. Their household
furniture is equally simple. A hurdle of canes placed upon upright
stakes, about two feet from the ground, upon which is spread a mat or
bullock's hide, answers the purpose of a bed; a water jar, some earthen
pots for dressing their food, a few wooden bowls and calabashes, and one
or two low stools, compose the rest.

As every man of free condition has a plurality of wives, it is found
necessary (to prevent, I suppose, matrimonial dispute) that each of the
ladies should be accommodated with a hut to herself; and all the huts
belonging to the same family are surrounded by a fence, constructed of
bamboo canes split and formed into a sort of wicker-work. The whole
inclosure is called a _sirk_ or _surk_. A number of these inclosures,
with narrow passages between them, form what is called a town; but the
huts are generally placed without any regularity, according to the
caprice of the owner. The only rule that seems to be attended to, is
placing the door towards the south-west, in order to admit the sea
breeze.

In each town is a large stage called the _Bentang_, which answers the
purpose of a public hall or townhouse; it is composed of interwoven
canes, and is generally sheltered from the sun by being erected in the
shade of some large tree. It is here that all public affairs are
transacted and trials conducted; and here the lazy and indolent meet to
smoke their pipes, and hear the news of the day. In most of the towns the
Mahomedans have also a _missura_, or mosque, in which they assemble and
offer up their daily prayers, according to the rules of the Koran.

In the account which I have thus given of the natives, the reader must
bear in mind, that my observations apply chiefly to persons of _free
condition_, who constitute, I suppose, not more than one-fourth part of
the inhabitants at large; the other three-fourths are in a state of
hopeless and hereditary slavery; and are employed in cultivating the
land, in the care of cattle, and in servile offices of all kinds, much in
the same manner as the slaves in the West Indies. I was told, however,
that the Mandingo master can neither deprive his slave of life, nor sell
him to a stranger, without first calling a palaver on his conduct; or, in
other words, bringing him to a public trial; but this degree of
protection is extended only to the native of domestic slave. Captives
taken in war, and those unfortunate victims who are condemned to slavery
for crimes or insolvency, and, in short, all those unhappy people who are
brought down from the interior countries for sale, have no security
whatever, but may be treated and disposed of in all respects as the owner
thinks proper. It sometimes happens, indeed, when no ships are on the
coast, that a humane and considerate master incorporates his purchased
slaves among his domestics; and their offspring at least, if not the
parents, become entitled to all the privileges of the native class.

The preceding remarks concerning the several nations that inhabit the
banks of the Gambia, are all that I recollect as necessary to be made in
this place, at the outset of my journey. With regard to the Mandingoes,
however, many particulars are yet to be related; some of which are
necessarily interwoven into the narrative of my progress, and others will
be given in a summary at the end of my work; together with all such
observations as I have collected on the country and climate, which I
could not with propriety insert in the regular detail of occurrences.
What remains of the present chapter will therefore, relate solely to the
trade which the nations of Christendom have found means to establish with
the natives of Africa, by the channel of the Gambia; and the inland
traffic which has arisen in consequence of it between the inhabitants of
the coast and the nations of the interior countries.

The earliest European establishment on this celebrated river was a
factory of the Portuguese; and to this must be ascribed the introduction
of the numerous words of that language which are still in use among the
Negroes. The Dutch, French, and English, afterwards successively
possessed themselves of settlements on the coast, but the trade of the
Gambia became and continued for many years a sort of monopoly in the
hands of the English. In the travels of Francis Moore is preserved an
account of the Royal African Company's establishments in this river, in
the year 1730: at which time James' Factory alone consisted of a
governor, deputy governor, and two other principal officers; eight
factors, thirteen writers, twenty inferior attendants and tradesmen; a
company of soldiers, and thirty-two Negro servants, besides sloops,
shallops, and boats with their crews; and there were no less than eight
subordinate factories in other parts of the river.

The trade with Europe, by being afterwards laid open, was almost
annihilated; the share which the subjects of England at this time hold in
it supports not more than two or three annual ships; and I am informed
that the gross value of British exports is under L. .20,000. The French
and Danes still maintain a small share, and the Americans have lately
sent a few vessels to the Gambia by way of experiment.

The commodities exported to the Gambia from Europe consist chiefly of
fire-arms and ammunition, iron ware, spirituous liquors, tobacco, cotton
caps, a small quantity of broad cloth, and a few articles of the
manufacture of Manchester; a small assortment of India goods, with some
glass beads, amber, and other trifles; for which are taken in exchange
slaves, gold dust, ivory, bees-wax, and hides. Slaves are the chief
article, but the whole number which at this time are annually exported
from the Gambia, by all nations, is supposed to be under one thousand.

Most of these unfortunate victims are brought to the coast in periodical
caravans; many of them from very remote inland countries; for the
language which they speak is not understood by the inhabitants of the
maritime districts. In a subsequent part of my work I shall give the best
information I have been able to collect concerning the manner in which
they are obtained. On their arrival at the coast, if no immediate
opportunity offers of selling them to advantage, they are distributed
among the neighbouring villages, until a slave ship arrives, or until
they can be sold to black traders, who sometimes purchase on speculation.
In the meanwhile, the poor wretches are kept constantly fettered, two and
two of them being chained together, and employed in the labours of the
field; and I am sorry to add, are very scantily fed, as well as harshly
treated. The price of a slave varies according to the number of
purchasers from Europe and the arrival of caravans from the interior; but
in general I reckon that a young and healthy male, from 16 to 25 years of
age, may be estimated on the spot from L. 18 to L. 20 sterling.

The Negro slave merchants, as I have observed in the former chapter, are
called _Slatees_; who, besides slaves, and the merchandize which they
bring for sale to the whites, supply the inhabitants of the maritime
districts with native iron, sweet smelling gums and frankincense, and a
commodity called _Shea-toulou_, which, literally translated, signifies
_tree-butter_. This commodity is extracted by means of boiling water from
the kernel of a nut, as will be more particularly described hereafter; it
has the consistence and appearance of butter; and is in truth an
admirable substitute for it. It forms an important article in the food of
the natives, and serves also for every domestic purpose in which oil
would otherwise be used. The demand for it is therefore very great.

In payment of these articles, the maritime states supply the interior
countries with salt, a scarce and valuable commodity, as I frequently and
painfully experienced in the course of my journey. Considerable
quantities of this article, however, are also supplied to the inland
natives by the Moors; who obtain it from the salt pits in the Great
Desert, and receive in return corn, cotton cloth, and slaves.

In thus bartering one commodity for another, many inconveniences must
necessarily have arisen at first from the want of coined money, or some
other visible and determinate medium, to settle the balance, or
difference of value, between different articles, to remedy which, the
natives of the interior make use of small shells called _kowries_, as
will be shown hereafter. On the coast, the inhabitants have adopted a
practice which, I believe, is peculiar to themselves.

In their early intercourse with Europeans, the article that attracted
most notice was iron. Its utility, in forming the instruments of war and
husbandry, made it preferable to all others; and iron soon became the
measure by which the value of all other commodities was ascertained. Thus
a certain quantity of goods, of whatever denomination, appearing to be
equal to a bar of iron, constituted, in the trader's phraseology, a bar
of that particular merchandize. Twenty leaves of tobacco, for instance,
were considered as a _bar_ of tobacco; and a gallon of spirits (or rather
half spirits and half water) as a _bar_ of rum; a bar of one commodity
being reckoned equal in value to a bar of another commodity.

As, however, it must unavoidably happen, that according to the plenty or
scarcity of goods at market, in proportion to the demand, the relative
value would be subject to continual fluctuation, greater precision has
been found necessary; and at this time the current value of a single bar
of any kind is fixed by the whites at two shillings sterling. Thus a
slave, whose price is L. 15, is said to be worth 150 bars.

In transactions of this nature, it is obvious that the white trader has
infinitely the advantage over the African, whom, therefore, it is
difficult to satisfy; for, conscious of his own ignorance, he naturally
becomes exceedingly suspicious and wavering; and, indeed, so very
unsettled and jealous are the Negroes in their dealings with the whites,
that a bargain is never considered by the European as concluded until the
purchase money is paid, and the party has taken leave.

Having now brought together such general observations on the country and
its inhabitants, as occurred to me during my residence in the vicinage of
the Gambia, I shall detain the reader no longer with introductory matter,
but proceed, in the next chapter, to a regular detail of the incidents
which happened, and the reflections which arose in my mind, in the course
of my painful and perilous journey, from its commencement until my return
to the Gambia.




CHAPTER III.

_The Author sets out from Pisania--his attendants--reaches Jindy.--Story
related by a Mandingo Negro.--Proceeds to Medina, the capital of
Woolli.--Interview with the king--Saphies or charms.--Proceeds to
Kolor.--Description of Mumbo Jumbo--arrives at Koojar--wrestling
match--crosses the wilderness, and arrives at Tallika, in the Kingdom of
Bondou._


On the 2d of December 1795, I took my departure from the hospitable
mansion of Dr. Laidley. I was fortunately provided with a Negro servant,
who spoke both the English and Mandingo tongues. His name was _Johnson_.
He was a native of this part of Africa; and having in his youth been
convoyed to Jamaica as a slave, he had been made free, and taken to
England by his master, where he had resided many years; and at length
found his way back to his native country. As he was known to Dr. Laidley,
the Doctor recommended him to me, and I hired him as my interpreter, at
the rate of ten bars monthly, to be paid to himself, and five bars a
month to be paid to his wife during his absence. Dr. Laidley furthermore
provided me with a Negro boy of his own, named Demba; a sprightly youth,
who, besides Mandingo, spoke the language of the Serawoollies, an inland
people (of whom mention will hereafter be made) residing on the banks of
the Senegal; and to induce him to behave well, the Doctor promised him
his freedom on his return, in case I should report favourably of his
fidelity and services. I was furnished with a horse for myself, (a small,
but very hardy and spirited beast, which cost me to the value of L.7,
10s.,) and two asses for my interpreter and servant. My baggage was
light, consisting chiefly of provisions for two days; a small assortment
of beads, amber, and tobacco, for the purchase of a fresh supply, as I
proceeded; a few changes of linen and other necessary apparel, an
umbrella, a pocket sextant, a magnetic compass, and a thermometer;
together with two fowling-pieces, two pair of pistols, and some other
small articles.

A freeman (a Bushreen or Mahomedan) named Madiboo, who was travelling to
the kingdom of Bambarra, and, two Slatees, or slave-merchants, of the
Serawoolli nation, and of the same sect, who were going to Bondou,
offered their services as far as they intended respectively to proceed;
as did likewise a Negro named Tami, (also a Mahomedan,) a native of
Kasson, who had been employed some years by Dr. Laidley as a blacksmith,
and was returning to his native country with the savings of his labours.
All these men travelled on foot, driving their asses before them. Thus I
had no less than six attendants, all of whom had been taught to regard me
with great respect, and to consider that their safe return hereafter, to
the countries on the Gambia, would depend on my preservation.

Dr. Laidley himself, and Messrs Ainsley, with a number of their domestics,
kindly determined to accompany me the two first days; and I believe they
secretly thought they should never see me afterwards.

We reached Jindey the same day, having crossed the Walli creek, a branch
of the Gambia, and rested at the house of a black woman, who had formerly
been the _chere amie_ of a white trader named Hewett; and who, in
consequence thereof, was called, by way of distinction, _Seniora_. In the
evening we walked out to see an adjoining village, belonging to a Slatee
named Jemafoo Mamadoo, the richest of all the Gambia traders. We found
him at home; and he thought so highly of the honour done him by this
visit, that he presented us with a fine bullock, which was immediately
killed, and part of it dressed for our evening's repast. The Negroes do
not go to supper till late, and in order to amuse ourselves while our
beef was preparing, a Mandingo was desired to relate some diverting
stories; in listening to which, and smoking tobacco, we spent three
hours. These stories bear some resemblance to those in the Arabian Nights
Entertainments; but, in general, are of a more ludicrous cast. I shall
here abridge one of them for the reader's amusement. "Many years ago,
(said the relator,) the people of Doomasansa (a town on the Gambia) were
much annoyed by a lion, that came every night, and took away some of
their cattle. By continuing his depredations, the people were at length
so much enraged, that a party of them resolved to go and hunt the
monster. They accordingly proceeded in search of the common enemy, which
they found concealed in a thicket; and immediately firing at him, were
lucky enough to wound him in such a manner, that, in springing from the
thicket towards the people, he fell down among the grass, and was unable
to rise. The animal, however, manifested such appearance of vigour, that
nobody cared to approach him singly; and a consultation was held,
concerning the properest means of taking him alive; a circumstance, it
was said, which, while it furnished undeniable proof of their prowess,
would turn out to great advantage, it being resolved to convey him to the
coast, and sell him to the Europeans. While some persons proposed one
plan, and some another, an old man offered a scheme. This was, to strip
the roof of a house of its thatch, and to carry the bamboo frame, (the
pieces of which are well secured together by thongs,) and throw it over
the lion. If, in approaching him, he should attempt to spring upon them,
they had nothing to do but to let down the roof upon themselves, and fire
at the lion through the rafters.

"This proposition was approved and adopted. The thatch was taken from the
roof of a hut, and the lion hunters, supporting the fabric, marched
courageously to the field of battle; each person carrying a gun in one
hand, and bearing his share of the roof on the opposite shoulder. In this
manner they approached the enemy; but the beast had by this time
recovered his strength; and such was the fierceness of his countenance,
that the hunters, instead of proceeding any further, thought it prudent
to provide for their own safety, by covering themselves with the roof.
Unfortunately, the lion was too nimble for them; for, making a spring
while the roof was setting down, both the beast and his pursuers were
caught in the same cage, and the lion devoured them at his leisure, to
the great astonishment and mortification of the people of Doomasansa; at
which place it is dangerous even at this day to tell the story; for it is
become the subject of laughter and derision in the neighbouring
countries, and nothing will enrage an inhabitant of that town so much as
desiring him to catch a lion alive."

About one o'clock in the afternoon of the 3d of December, I took my leave
of Dr. Laidley and Messrs Ainsley, and rode slowly into the woods. I had
now before me a boundless forest, and a country, the inhabitants of which
were strangers to civilized life, and to most of whom a white man was the
object of curiosity or plunder. I reflected that I had parted from the
last European I might probably behold, and perhaps quitted for ever the
comforts of Christian society. Thoughts like these would necessarily cast
a gloom over the mind, and I rode musing along for about three miles,
when I was awakened from my reverie by a body of people, who came running
up and stopped the asses, giving me to understand that I must go with
them to Peckaba, to present myself to the King of Walli, or pay customs
to them. I endeavoured to make them comprehend that the object of my
journey not being traffic. I ought not to be subjected to a tax like the
Slatees, and other merchants who travel for gain; but I reasoned to no
purpose. They said it was usual for travellers of all descriptions to
make a present to the King of Walli, and without doing so I could not be
permitted to proceed. As they were more numerous than my attendants, and
withal very noisy, I thought it prudent to comply with their demand, and
having presented them with four bars of tobacco, for the king's use, I
was permitted to continue my journey, and at sunset reached a village
near Kootacunda, where we rested for the night.

In the morning of December 4th, I passed Kootacunda, the last town of
Walli, and stopped about an hour at a small adjoining village to pay
customs to an officer of the King of Woolli; we rested the ensuing night
at a village called Tabajang; and at noon the next day, (December 5th,)
we reached Medina, the capital of the King of Woolli's dominions.

The kingdom of Woolli is bounded by Walli on the west, by the Gambia on
the south, by the small river Walli on the north-west, by Bondou on the
north-east, and on the east by the Simbani wilderness.

The country every where rises into gentle acclivities, which are
generally covered with extensive woods, and the towns are situated in the
intermediate valleys. Each town is surrounded by a tract of cultivated
land, the produce of which, I presume, is found sufficient to supply the
wants of the inhabitants; for the soil appeared to me to be every where
fertile, except near the tops of the ridges, where the red iron stone and
stunted shrubs sufficiently marked the boundaries between fertility and
barrenness. The chief productions are cotton, tobacco, and esculent
vegetables; all which are raised in the valleys, the rising grounds being
appropriated to different sorts of corn.

The inhabitants are Mandingoes; and, like most of the Mandingo nations,
are divided into two great sects, the Mahomedans, who are called
_Bushreens_, and the Pagans, who are called indiscriminately _Kafirs_,
(unbelievers,) and _Sonakies_, (_i. e._ men who drink strong liquors.)
The Pagan natives are by far the most numerous, and the government of the
country is in their hands; for though the most respectable among the
Bushreens are frequently consulted in affairs of importance, yet they are
never permitted to take any share in the executive government, which
rests solely in the hands of the _Mansa_, or sovereign, and great
officers of the state. Of these, the first in point of rank is the
presumptive heir of the crown, who is called the _Farbanna_; next to him
are the _Alkaids_, or provincial governors, who are more frequently
called _Keamos_. Then follow the two grand divisions of freemen and
slaves:[3] of the former, the Slatees, so frequently mentioned in the
preceding pages, are considered as the principal; but in all classes
great respect is paid to the authority of aged men. On the death of the
reigning monarch, his eldest son (if he has attained the age of manhood)
succeeds to the regal authority. If there is no son, or if the son is
under the age of discretion, a meeting of the great men is held, and the
late monarch's nearest relation (commonly his brother) is called to the
government, not as regent, or guardian to the infant son, but in full
right, and to the exclusion of the minor. The charges of the government
are defrayed by occasional tributes from the people, and by duties on
goods transported across the country. Travellers, on going from the
Gambia towards the interior, pay customs in European merchandize. On
returning they pay in iron and _shea-toulou_: these taxes are paid at
every town.

  [3] The term which signifies a man of free condition is _Horia_; that
    of a slave, _Jong_.

Medina,[4] the capital of the kingdom, at which I was now arrived, is a
place of considerable extent; and may contain from eight hundred to one
thousand houses. It is fortified in the common African manner, by a
surrounding high wall built of clay, and an outward fence of pointed
stakes and prickly bushes; but the walls are neglected, and the outward
fence has suffered considerably from the active hands of busy housewives,
who pluck up the stakes for firewood. I obtained a lodging at one of the
king's near relations, who apprized me, that at my introduction to the
king, I must not presume _to shake hands with him_. It was not usual, he
said, to allow this liberty to strangers. Thus instructed, I went in the
afternoon to pay my respects to the sovereign; and ask permission to pass
through his territories to Bondou. The king's name was _Jatta_. He was
the same venerable old man of whom so favourable an account was
transmitted by Major Houghton. I found him seated upon a mat before the
door of his hut: a number of men and women were arranged on each side,
who were singing and clapping their hands. I saluted him respectfully,
and informed him of the purport of my visit. The king graciously replied,
that he not only gave me leave to pass through his country, but would
offer up his prayers for my safety. On this, one of my attendants,
seemingly in return for the king's condescension, began to sing, or
rather to roar, an Arabic song; at every pause of which, the king
himself, and all the people present, struck their hands against their
forehead, and exclaimed, with devout and affecting solemnity, _Amen!
Amen!_[5] The king told me furthermore, that I should have a guide the
day following, who would conduct me safely to the frontier of his
kingdom. I then took my leave, and in the evening sent the king an order
upon Dr. Laidley for three gallons of rum, and received in return great
store of provisions.

  [4] Medina in the Arabic signifies a city. The name is not uncommon
    among the Negroes, and has probably been burrowed from the
    Mohamedans.

  [5] It may seem from hence that the king was a Mahomedan; but I was
    assured to the contrary. He joined in prayer on this occasion
    probably from the mere dictates of his benevolent mind, considering
    perhaps that prayers to the Almighty, offered up with true devotion
    and sincerity, were equally acceptable, whether from Bushreen or
    Pagan.

December 6th, early in the morning, I went to the king a second time, to
learn if the guide was ready. I found his majesty sitting upon a
bullock's hide, warming himself before a large fire; for the Africans are
sensible of the smallest variation in the temperature of the air, and
frequently complain of cold when a European is oppressed with heat. He
received me with a benevolent countenance, and tenderly entreated me to
desist from my purpose of travelling into the interior; telling me that
Major Houghton had been killed in his route, and that if I followed his
footsteps, I should probably meet with his fate. He said that I must not
judge of the people of the eastern country by those of Woolli: that the
latter were acquainted with white men, and respected them; whereas the
people of the east had never seen a white man, and would certainly
destroy me. I thanked the king for his affectionate solicitude, but told
him that I had considered the matter, and was determined, notwithstanding
all dangers, to proceed. The king shook his head, but desisted from
further persuasion; and told me the guide should be ready in the
afternoon.

About two o'clock, the guide appearing, I went and took my last farewell
of the good old king, and in three hours reached Konjour, a small
village, where we determined to rest for the night. Here I purchased a
fine sheep for some beads, and my Serawoolli attendants killed it with
all the ceremonies prescribed by their religion: part of it was dressed
for supper: after which a dispute arose between one of the Serawoolli
Negroes and Johnson, my interpreter, about the sheep's horns. The former
claimed the horns as his perquisite, for having acted the part of our
butcher, and Johnson contested the claim. I settled the matter by giving
a horn to each of them. This trifling incident is mentioned as
introductory to what follows; for it appeared on inquiry that these horns
were highly valued, as being easily convertible into portable sheaths, or
cases, for containing and keeping secure certain charms or amulets called
_saphies_, which the Negroes constantly wear about them. These saphies
are prayers, or rather sentences, from the Koran, which the Mahomedan
priests write on scraps of paper, and sell to the simple natives, who
consider them to possess very extraordinary virtues. Some of the Negroes
wear them to guard themselves against the bite of snakes or alligators;
and on this occasion the saphie is commonly enclosed in a snake's or
alligator's skin, and tied round the ancle. Others have recourse to them
in time of war, to protect their persons against hostile weapons; but the
common use to which these amulets are applied is to prevent or cure
bodily diseases; to preserve from hunger and thirst; and generally to
conciliate the favour of superior powers under all the circumstances and
occurrences of life.[6]

  [6] I believe that similar charms or amulets, under the names of
    _domini, grigri, fetich_ &c. &c. are common in all parts of Africa.

In this case it is impossible not to admire the wonderful contagion of
superstition; for, notwithstanding that the majority of the Negroes are
Pagans, and absolutely reject the doctrines of Mahomet. I did not meet
with a man, whether a Bushreen or Kafir, who was not fully persuaded of
the powerful efficacy of these amulets. The truth is, that all the
natives of this part of Africa consider the art of writing as bordering
on magic; and it is not in the doctrines of the prophet, but in the arts
of the magician, that their confidence is placed. It will hereafter be
seen that I was myself lucky enough, in circumstances of distress, to
turn the popular credulity in this respect to good account.

On the 7th I departed from Konjour, and slept at a village called Malla,
(or Mallaing;) and on the 8th about noon I arrived at Kolor, a
considerable town; near the entrance into which I observed, hanging upon
a tree, a sort of masquerade habit, made of the bark of trees, which I
was told on inquiry belonged to MUMBO JUMBO. This is a strange bugbear,
common to all the Mandingo towns, and much employed by the Pagan natives
in keeping their women in subjection; for as the Kafirs are not
restricted in the number of their wives, every one marries as many as he
can conveniently maintain; and as it frequently happens that the ladies
disagree among themselves, family quarrels sometimes rise to such a
height, that the authority of the husband can no longer preserve peace in
his household. In such cases, the interposition of Mumbo Jumbo is called
in, and is always decisive.

This strange minister of justice, (who is supposed to be either the
husband himself, or some person instructed by him,) disguised in the
dress that has been mentioned, and armed with the rod of public
authority, announces his coming (whenever his services are required) by
loud and dismal screams in the woods near the town. He begins the
pantomime at the approach of night; and as soon as it is dark he enters
the town, and proceeds to the Bentang, at which all the inhabitants
immediately assemble.

It may easily be supposed that this exhibition is not much relished by
the women; for, as the person in disguise is entirely unknown to them,
every married female suspects that the visit may possibly be intended for
herself; but they dare not refuse to appear when they are summoned; and
the ceremony commences with songs and dances, which continue till
midnight, about which time Mumbo fixes on the offender. This unfortunate
victim being thereupon immediately seized, is stripped naked, tied to a
post, and severely scourged, with Mumbo's rod, amidst the shouts and
derision of the whole assembly; and it is remarkable, that the rest of
the women are the loudest in their exclamations on this occasion against
their unhappy sister. Daylight puts an end to this indecent and unmanly
revel.

December 9th. As there was no water to be procured on the road, we
travelled with great expedition until we reached Tambacunda; and
departing from thence early the next morning, the 10th, we reached in the
evening Kooniakary, a town of nearly the same magnitude as Kolor. About
noon on the 11th we arrived at Koojar, the frontier town of Woolli,
towards Bondou, from which it is separated by an intervening wilderness
of two days' journey.

The guide appointed by the King of Woolli being now to return, I
presented him with some amber for his trouble; and having been informed
that it was not possible at all times to procure water in the wilderness,
I made inquiry for men who would serve both as guides and water-bearers
during my journey across it. Three Negroes, elephant-hunters, offered
their services for these purposes, which I accepted, and paid them three
bars each in advance, and the day being far spent, I determined to pass
the night in my present quarters.

The inhabitants of Koojar, though not wholly unaccustomed to the sight of
Europeans, (most of them having occasionally visited the countries on the
Gambia,) beheld me with a mixture of curiosity and reverence, and in the
evening invited me to see a _neobering_, or wrestling match at the
Bentang. This is an exhibition very common in all the Mandingo countries.
The spectators arranged themselves in a circle, leaving the intermediate
space for the wrestlers, who were strong active young men, full of
emulation, and accustomed, I suppose, from their infancy to this sort of
exertion. Being stripped of their clothing, except a short pair of
drawers, and having their skin anointed with oil, or _shea_ butter, the
combatants approached each other on all-fours, parrying with, and
occasionally extending a hand for some time, till at length one of them
sprang forward, and caught his rival by the knee. Great dexterity and
judgment were now displayed; but the contest was decided by superior
strength; and I think that few Europeans would have been able to cope
with the conqueror. It must not be unobserved, that the combatants were
animated by the music of a drum, by which their actions were in some
measure regulated.

The wrestling was succeeded by a dance, in which many performers
assisted, all of whom were provided with little bells, which were
fastened to their legs and arms; and here too the drum regulated their
motions. It was beaten with a crooked stick, which the drummer held in
his right hand, occasionally using his left to deaden the sound, and thus
vary the music. The drum is likewise applied on these occasions to keep
order among the spectators, by imitating the sound of certain Mandingo
sentences: for example, when the wrestling match is about to begin, the
drummer strikes what is understood to signify _ali bae see_,--sit all
down; upon which the spectators immediately seat themselves; and when the
combatants are to begin, he strikes _amuta amuta_,--take hold, take hold.

In the course of the evening I was presented, by way of refreshment, with
a liquor which tasted so much like the strong beer of my native country,
(and very good beer too,) as to induce me to inquire into its
composition; and I learned, with some degree of surprise, that it was
actually made from corn which had been previously malted, much in the
same manner as barley is malted in Great Britain: a root yielding a
grateful bitter was used in lieu of hops, the name of which I have
forgot; but the corn which yields the wort is the _holcus spicatus_ of
botanists.

Early in the morning, (the 12th,) I found that one of the
elephant-hunters had absconded with the money he had received from me in
part of wages; and in order to prevent the other two from following his
example, I made them instantly fill their calabashes (or gourds) with
water, and as the sun rose I entered the wilderness that separates the
kingdoms of Woolli and Bondou.

We had not travelled more than a mile before my attendants insisted on
stopping that they might prepare a saphie, or charm, to ensure us a safe
journey. This was done by muttering a few sentences, and spitting upon a
stone, which was thrown before us on the road. The same ceremony was
repeated three times, after which the Negroes proceeded with the greatest
confidence; every one being firmly persuaded that the stone (like the
scape-goat) had carried with it every thing that could induce superior
powers to visit us with misfortune.

We continued our journey without stopping any more until noon, when we
came to a large tree, called by the natives Neema Tula. It had a very
singular appearance, being decorated with innumerable rags or scraps of
cloth, which persons travelling across the wilderness had, at different
times, tied to the branches; probably, at first, to inform the traveller
that water was to be found near it; but the custom has become so
sanctioned by time, that nobody now presumes to pass without hanging up
something. I followed the example, and suspended a handsome piece of
cloth on one of the boughs; and being told that either a well or pool of
water was at no great distance, I ordered the Negroes to unload the asses
that we might give them corn, and regale ourselves with the provisions we
had brought. In the meantime, I sent one of the elephant-hunters to look
for the well, intending, if water was to be obtained, to rest here for
the night. A pool was found, but the water was thick and muddy, and the
Negro discovered near it the remains of a fire recently extinguished, and
the fragments of provisions, which afforded a proof that it had been
lately visited, either by travellers or banditti. The fears of my
attendants supposed the latter; and believing that robbers lurked near
us, I was persuaded to change my resolution of resting here all night,
and proceed to another watering place, which I was assured we might reach
early in the evening.

We departed accordingly, but it was eight o'clock at night before we came
to the watering place; and being now sufficiently fatigued with so long a
day's journey, we kindled a large fire, and lay down, surrounded by our
cattle, on the bare ground, more than a gun-shot from any bush; the
Negroes agreeing to keep watch by turns to prevent surprise.

I know not indeed that any danger was justly to be dreaded, but the
Negroes were unaccountably apprehensive of banditti during the whole of
the journey. As soon, therefore, as day light appeared, we filled our
_soofroos_ (skins) and calabashes at the pool, and set out for Tallika,
the first town in Bondou, which we reached about eleven o'clock in the
forenoon, (the 13th of December.) I cannot, however, take leave of
Woolli, without observing that I was every where well received by the
natives; and that the fatigues of the day were generally alleviated by a
hearty welcome at night; and although the African mode of living was at
first unpleasant to me, yet I found, at length, that custom surmounted
trifling inconveniences, and made every thing palatable and easy.




CHAPTER IV.

_Some account of the inhabitants of Tallika.--The Author proceeds for
Fatteconda--incidents on the road.--Crosses the Neriko, arrives at
Koorkarany--reaches the River Faleme--Fishery on that river--proceeds
along its bank to Naye or Nayemow--crosses the Faleme, and arrives at
Fatteconda.--Has an interview with Almami, the Sovereign of
Bondou.--Description of the King's dwelling--has a second interview with
the King, who begs the Author's Coat--Author visits the King's wives--is
permitted to depart on friendly, terms.--Journey by night--arrives at
Joag.--Some account of Bondou and its inhabitants, the Foulahs._


Tallika, the frontier town of Bondou towards Woolli, is inhabited chiefly
by Foulahs of the Mahomedan religion, who live in considerable affluence,
partly by furnishing provisions to the _coffles_, or caravans, that pass
through the town, and partly by the sale of ivory, obtained by hunting
elephants; in which employment the young men are generally very
successful. Here, an officer belonging to the King of Bondou constantly
resides, whose business it is to give timely information of the arrival
of the caravans; which are taxed according to the number of loaded asses
that arrive at Tallika.

I took up my residence at this officer's house, and agreed with him to
accompany me to Fatteconda, the residence of the king, for which he was
to receive five bars; and before my departure I wrote a few lines to Dr
Laidley, and gave my letter to the master of a caravan bound for the
Gambia. This caravan consisted of nine or ten people with five asses
loaded with ivory. The large teeth are conveyed in nets, two on each side
of the ass; the small ones are wrapped up in skins, and secured with
ropes.

December 14th. We left Tallika, and rode on very peaceably for
about two miles, when a violent quarrel arose between two of my
fellow-travellers,--one of whom was the blacksmith,--in the course of
which they bestowed some opprobrious terms upon each other; and it is
worthy of remark, that an African will sooner forgive a blow than a term
of reproach applied to his ancestors: "Strike me, but do not curse my
mother," is a common expression even among the slaves. This sort of
abuse, therefore, so enraged one of the disputants, that he drew his
cutlass upon the blacksmith, and would certainly have ended the dispute
in a very serious manner, if the others had not laid hold of him, and
wrested the cutlass from him. I was obliged to interfere, and put an end
to this disagreeable business, by desiring the blacksmith to be silent,
and telling the other who I thought was in the wrong, that if he
attempted in future to draw his cutlass, or molest any of my attendants,
I should look upon him as a robber, and shoot him without further
ceremony. This threat had the desired effect, and we marched sullenly
along till the afternoon, when we arrived at a number of small villages
scattered over an open and fertile plain: At one of these, called Ganado,
we took up our residence for the night; here an exchange of presents and
a good supper terminated all animosities among my attendants; and the
night was far advanced before any of us thought of going to sleep. We
were amused by an itinerant _singing man_,[7] who told a number of
diverting stories, and played some sweet airs, by blowing his breath upon
a bowstring, and striking it at the same time with a stick.

  [7] These are a sort of travelling bards and musicians, who sing
    extempore songs in praise of those who employ them. A fuller
    account of them will be given hereafter.

December 15th. At daybreak my fellow-travellers, the Serawoollies, took
leave of me, with many prayers for my safety. About a mile from Ganado,
we crossed a considerable branch of the Gambia called Neriko. The banks
were steep, and covered with _mimosas_; and I observed in the mud a
number of large muscles, but the natives do not eat them. About noon, the
sun being exceedingly hot, we rested two hours in the shade of a tree,
and purchased some milk and pounded corn from some Foulah herdsmen, and
at sunset reached a town called Koorkarany, where the blacksmith had some
relations; and here we rested two days.

Koorkarany is a Mahomedan town, surrounded by a high wall, and is
provided with a mosque. Here I was shown a number of Arabic manuscripts,
particularly a copy of the book before mentioned, called _Al Shara_. The
_Maraboo_ or priest, in whose possession it was, read and explained to me
in Mandingo, many of the most remarkable passages; and in return I showed
him Richardson's Arabic grammar which he very much admired. On the
evening of the second day (Dec. 17th) we departed from Koorkarany. We
were joined by a young man who was travelling to Fatteconda for salt; and
as night set in we reached Dooggi, a small village about three miles from
Koorkarany.

Provisions were here so cheap that I purchased a bullock for six small
stones of amber; for I found my company increase or diminish according to
the good fare they met with.

Dec. 18th. Early in the morning we departed from Dooggi, and being joined
by a number of Foulahs and other people, made a formidable appearance;
and were under no apprehension of being plundered in the woods. About
eleven o'clock one of the asses proving very refractory, the Negroes took
a curious method to make him tractable. They cut a forked stick, and
putting the forked part into the ass's mouth, like the bit of a bridle,
tied the two smaller parts together above his head, leaving the lower
part of the stick of sufficient length to strike against the ground if
the ass should attempt to put his head down. After this, the ass walked
along quietly, and gravely enough, taking care, after some practice, to
hold his head sufficiently high to prevent the stones or roots of trees
from striking against the end of the stick, which experience had taught
him would give a severe shock to his teeth. This contrivance produced a
ludicrous appearance, but my fellow-travellers told me it was constantly
adopted by the Slatees, and always proved effectual.

In the evening we arrived at a few scattered villages, surrounded with
extensive cultivation; a tone of which, called Buggil, we passed the
night in a miserable hut, having no other bed than a bundle of corn
stalks, and no provisions but what we brought with us. The wells here are
dug with great ingenuity, and are very deep. I measured one of the
bucket-ropes, and found the depth of the well to be 28 fathoms.

Dec. 19th. We departed from Buggil, and travelled along a dry, stony
height, covered with _mimosas_ till mid-day; when the land sloped towards
the east, and we descended into a deep valley, in which I observed
abundance of whin stone and white quartz. Pursuing our course to the
eastward, along this valley, in the bed of an exhausted river course, we
came to a large village, where we intended to lodge. We found many of the
natives dressed in a thin French gauze, which they call _Byqui_; this
being a light airy dress, and well calculated to display the shape of
their persons, is much esteemed by the ladies. The manners of these
females, however, did not correspond with their dress; for they were rude
and troublesome in the highest degree; they surrounded me in numbers,
begging for amber, beads, &c.; and were so vehement in their
solicitations, that I found it impossible to resist them. They tore my
cloak, cut the buttons from my boy's clothes, and were proceeding to
other outrages, when I mounted my horse and rode off, followed for half a
mile by a body of these harpies.

In the evening we reached Soobrudooka, and as my company was numerous,
(being fourteen,) I purchased a sheep, and abundance of corn for supper
after which we lay down by the bundles, and passed an uncomfortable night
in a heavy dew.

Dec. 20th. We departed from Soobrudooka, and at two o'clock reached a
large village situated on the banks of the Faleme River, which is here
rapid and rocky. The natives were employed in fishing in various ways.
The large fish were taken in long baskets made of split cane, and placed
in a strong current which was created by walls of stone built across the
stream, certain open places being left, through which the water rushed
with great force. Some of these baskets were more than 20 feet long, and
when once the fish had entered one of them, the force of the stream
prevented it from returning. The small fish were taken in great numbers
in hand-nets, which the natives weave of cotton, and use with great
dexterity. The fish last mentioned are about the size of sprats, and are
prepared for sale in different ways; the most common is by pounding them
entire as they come from the stream in a wooden mortar, and exposing them
to dry in the sun, in large lumps like sugar loaves. It may be supposed
that the smell is not very agreeable; but in the Moorish countries to the
north of the Senegal, where fish is scarcely known, this preparation is
esteemed as a luxury, and sold to considerable advantage. The manner of
using it by the natives is, by dissolving a piece of this blackloaf in
boiling water, and mixing it with their kouskous.

I thought it very singular at this season of the year, to find the banks
of the Faleme every where covered with large and beautiful fields of
corn, but on examination I found it was not the same species of grain as
is commonly cultivated on the Gambia; it is called by the natives Mania,
and grows in the dry season; is very prolific, and is reaped in the month
of January. It is the same which, from the depending position of the ear,
is called by botanical writers _holcus cernuus_.

On returning to the village, after an excursion to the river side, to
inspect the fishery, an old Moorish shereeff came to bestow his blessing
upon me, and beg some paper to write saphies upon. This man had seen
Major Houghton in the kingdom of Kaarta, and told me that he died in the
country of the Moors. I gave him a few sheets of paper, and he levied a
similar tribute from the blacksmith; for it is customary for young
Mussulmen to make presents to the old ones, in order to obtain their
blessing, which is pronounced in Arabic, and received with great
humility.

About three in the afternoon we continued our course along the bank of
the river, to the northward, till eight o clock, when we reached Nayemow;
here the hospitable master of the town received us kindly, and presented
us with a bullock. In return, I gave him some amber and beads.

Dec. 21st. In the morning, having agreed for a canoe to carry over my
bundles, I crossed the river, which came up to my knees as I sat on my
horse; but the water is so clear, that from the high bank the bottom is
visible all the way over.

About noon we entered Fatteconda, the capital of Bondou; and in a little
time received an invitation to the house of a respectable Slatee: for, as
there are no public houses in Africa, it is customary for strangers to
stand at the Bentang, or some other place of public resort, till they are
invited to a lodging by some of the inhabitants. We accepted the offer;
and in an hour afterwards, a person came and told me that he was sent on
purpose to conduct me to the king, who was very desirous of seeing me
immediately, if I was not too much fatigued.

I took my interpreter with me, and followed the messenger till we got
quite out of the town, and crossed some corn fields; when, suspecting
some trick, I stopped, and asked the guide whither he was going. Upon
which he pointed to a man sitting under a tree at some little distance;
and told me that the king frequently gave audiences in that retired
manner, in order to avoid a crowd of people; and that nobody but myself
and my interpreter must approach him. When I advanced, the king desired
me to come and sit by him upon the mat; and after hearing my story, on
which he made no observation, he asked if I wished to purchase any slaves
or gold: being answered in the negative, he seemed rather surprised; but
desired me to come to him in the evening, and he would give me some
provisions.

This monarch was called Almami; a Moorish name, though I was told that he
was not a Mahomedan, but a Kafir, or Pagan. I had heard that he had acted
towards Major Houghton with great unkindness, and caused him to be
plundered. His behaviour, therefore, towards myself at this interview,
though much more civil than I expected, was far from freeing me from
uneasiness. I still apprehended some double dealing; and as I was now
entirely in his power, I thought it best to smooth the way by a present:
Accordingly, I took with me in the evening one canister of gunpowder,
some amber, tobacco, and my umbrella: and as I considered that my bundles
would inevitably be searched, I concealed some few articles in the roof
of the hut where I lodged, and I put on my new blue coat, in order to
preserve it.

All the houses belonging to the king and his family are surrounded by a
lofty mud wall, which converts the whole into a kind of citadel. The
interior is subdivided into different courts. At the first place of
entrance I observed a man standing with a musket on his shoulder; and I
found the way to his presence very intricate, leading through many
passages, with sentinels placed at the different doors. When we came to
the entrance of the court in which the king resides, both my guide and
interpreter, according to custom, took off their sandals; and the former
pronounced the king's name aloud, repeating it till he was answered from
within. We found the monarch sitting upon a mat, and two attendants with
him. I repeated what I had before told him concerning the object of my
journey, and my reasons for passing through his country. He seemed,
however, but half satisfied. The notion of travelling for curiosity was
quite new to him. He thought it impossible, he said, that any man in his
senses would undertake so dangerous a journey, merely to look at the
country and its inhabitants: however, when I offered to show him the
contents of my portmanteau, and every thing belonging to me, he was
convinced: and it was evident that his suspicion had arisen from a
belief, that every white man must of necessity be a trader. When I had
delivered my presents, he seemed well pleased, and was particularly
delighted with the umbrella, which he repeatedly furled and unfurled, to
the great admiration of himself and his two attendants, who could not for
some time comprehend the use of this wonderful machine. After this I was
about to take my leave, when the king, desiring me to stop awhile, began
along preamble in favour of the whites; extolling their immense wealth
and good dispositions. He next proceeded to an eulogium on my blue coat,
of which the yellow buttons seemed particularly to catch his fancy; and
he concluded by entreating me to present him with it; assuring me, for my
consolation under the loss of it, that he would wear it on all public
occasions, and inform every one who saw it of my great liberality towards
him. The request of an African prince, in his own dominions, particularly
when made to a stranger, comes little short of a command. It is only a
way of obtaining by gentle means what he can, if he pleases, take by
force; and as it was against my interest to offend him by a refusal, I
very quietly took off my coat, the only good one in my possession, and
laid it at his feet.

In return for my compliance, he presented me with great plenty of
provisions, and desired to see me again in the morning. I accordingly
attended, and found him sitting upon his bed. He told me he was sick; and
wished to have a little blood taken from him; but I had no sooner tied up
his arm, and displayed the lancet, than his courage failed; and he begged
me to postpone the operation till the afternoon, as he felt himself, he
said, much better than he had been, and thanked me kindly for my
readiness to serve him. He then observed that his women were very
desirous to see me, and requested that I would favour them with a visit.
An attendant was ordered to conduct me; and I had no sooner entered the
court appropriated to the ladies, than the whole seraglio surrounded me:
some begging for physic, some for amber; and all of them desirous of
trying that great African specific, _blood-letting_. They were ten or
twelve in number, most of them young and handsome, and wearing on their
heads ornaments of gold, and beads of amber.

They rallied me with a good deal of gaiety on different subjects;
particularly upon the whiteness of my skin, and the prominency of my
nose. They insisted that both were artificial. The first, they said, was
produced when I was an infant, by dipping me in milk; and they insisted
that my nose had been pinched every day, till it had acquired its present
unsightly and unnatural conformation. On my part, without disputing my
own deformity, I paid them many compliments on African beauty, I praised
the glossy jet of their skins, and the lovely depression of their noses;
but they said that flattery, or (as they emphatically termed it)
_honey-mouth_, was not esteemed in Bondou. In return, however, for my
company or my compliments, (to which, by the way, they seemed not so
insensible as they affected to be), they presented me with a jar of honey
and some fish, which were sent to my lodging; and I was desired to come
again to the king a little before sunset.

I carried with me some beads and writing paper, it being usual to present
some small offering on taking leave; in return for which, the king gave
me five drachms of gold; observing that it was but a trifle, and given
out of pure friendship; but would be of use to me in travelling, for the
purchase of provision. He seconded this act of kindness by one still
greater; politely telling me, that though it was customary to examine the
baggage of every traveller passing through his country, yet, in the
present instance, he would dispense with that ceremony; adding, that I
was at liberty to depart when I pleased.

Accordingly, on the morning of the 23d, we left Fatteconda, and about
eleven o'clock came to a small village, where we determined to stop for
the rest of the day.

In the afternoon my fellow-travellers informed me, that as this was the
boundary between Bondou and Kajaaga, and dangerous for travellers, it
would be necessary to continue our journey by night, until we should
reach a more hospitable part of the country. I agreed to the proposal,
and hired two people for guides through the woods; and as soon as the
people of the village were gone to sleep, (the moon shining bright,) we
set out. The stillness of the air, the howling of the wild beasts, and
the deep solitude of the forest, made the scene solemn and impressive.
Not a word was uttered by any of us, but in a whisper; all were
attentive, and every one anxious to show his sagacity, by pointing out to
me the wolves and hyaenas as they glided, like shadows, from one thicket
to another.--Towards morning we arrived at a village called Kimmoo,
where our guides awakened one of their acquaintances, and we stopped to
give the asses some corn and roast a few groundnuts for ourselves. At
daylight we resumed our journey, and in the afternoon arrived at Joag in
the kingdom of Kajaaga.

Being now in a country, and among a people, differing in many respects
from those that have as yet fallen under our observation, I shall, before
I proceed further, give some account of Bondou, (the territory we have
left,) and its inhabitants, the Foulahs, the description of whom I
purposely reserved for this part of my work.

Bondou is bounded on the east by Bambouk; on the south-east, and south,
by Tenda, and the Simbani Wilderness; on the south-west by Woolli; on the
west by Foota Torra; and on the north by Kajaaga.

The country, like that of Woolli, is very generally covered with woods,
but the land is more elevated, and towards the Faleme river, rises into
considerable hills. In native fertility the soil is not surpassed, I
believe, by any part of Africa.

From the central situation of Bondou between the Gambia and Senegal
rive